blackisthelight

Maria Duce

It was only later in his life, and after his correspondence with the far more politically active Father Coughlin had begun, that Fahey became more involved in politics. His motivation may also have been influenced by the death of Father Edward Cahill in 1941. Cahill had led a group called An Ríoghacht that used well-connected members to press for strict Catholic control of the State. One of Fahey’s most prominent legacies was that of the Maria Duce organisation which was founded in 1942 from a reading group led by Fahey. His book ‘The Kingship of Christ and Organised Naturalism’ acted as a handbook for the group and contained multiple sections claiming Jewish designs on the destruction of the Church and social norms. The group was avowedly anti-communist and produced a regular periodical called Fiat which had an estimated circulation of over 10,000. Fahey was the unofficial head of the group which was composed of enthusiastic lay-people such as Tom Agar, who became President of the society. An editorial in Fiat proclaimed Maria Duce to be fighting to save the world from Satanism, Freemasonry and the Jewish Nation.

A significant part of the group’s endeavours involved campaigning against Hollywood films under the banner of the Catholic Cinema and Theatre Patrons Association (CCTPA) which picketed cinemas and organised campaigns to urge censorship of films deemed inappropriate to their sense of morality. It was through Hollywood films that many in the group saw the pernicious influence of Jewish decadence corrupting Irish youth. More broadly, American culture represented a threat to traditional Irish Catholic values, and the impact of glamorous celluloid images being shown in villages and towns across the country was a deep concern to conservative Catholics raging against the modern world. British newspapers and Hollywood movies were seen as twin prongs of a cultural imperialist assault. The world had changed enormously by 1945 but Ireland had largely chosen to avoid taking part in the events, leading to the impression of a country emerging suddenly into harsh sunlight, unsure of what was going on. A December 1951 protest at the Gate Theatre led by Maria Duce secretary Mícheál Ó Tuathail against Orson Welles’ appearance at a production of Tolka Row led to a mob rushing the building, with shouts of ‘Burn it down!’ filling the streets as protestors scuffled with onlookers. Archbishop McQuaid was well aware of the actions, often being informed beforehand and did not disapprove. Fahey viewed the ensuing publicity as a success:

'the success of the night can be gauged by the venom of the counter-attack ... I am amazed that in all the controversy we got so much space'.

McQuaid instigated censorship of theatre productions on his own accord too – a 1957 production of A Rose Tattoo by Tennessee Williams led to obscenity charges being laid against the producer following McQuaid’s complaints, and productions of plays by James Joyce and Seán O’Casey were also targeted. An appearance by Gregory Peck was also targeted by the CCTPA for a proposed event at the Adelphi Cinema in November 1949. He had been invited by the more liberal Catholic Stage Guild who were then pressured to cancel by CCTPA and Archbishop McQuaid who had been approached by Fahey to intervene. Fahey was passing on information from California State Senator Jack Tenney about supposed Communists in Hollywood worthy of being blacklisted. Tenney headed the California Senate Factfinding Subcommittee on Un-American Activities , was General Douglas MacArthur’s running mate for the presidency in 1952 and had produced a series of antisemitic books such as Zion’s Fifth Column and Zion’s Trojan.

Another target for Maria Duce was Danny Kaye, scheduled to perform at the Theatre Royal in June 1952. The case against Kaye was again taken up by the CCTPA, demanding the cancellation of his shows due to his 'established connections with several communist-front organisations’, while postcards were distributed which stated ‘Catholic Dublin will keep out this Masonic Jewish Communist’. Despite the organising, no public protests materialised and crowds of punters enjoyed the shows. The activities of CCTPA subsided after this, with Fahey dying in January 1954. Frank Duff, founder of the lay society Legion of Mary, and the Pillar of Fire society for Catholic – Jewish dialogue, recalled Maria Duce members infiltrating Legion of Mary meetings and distributing anti-Jewish literature. Fahey devoted time to corresponding with Church hierarchy and provided them with propaganda to back up his claims of Jewish and communist influence in Hollywood. Fahey’s American connections came into play here – In addition to material provided by Reverand Smith and Senator Tenney, Fahey had a long correspondence with Myron Coureval Fagan, a writer and director who became an influential conspiracy theorist and founder of the Cinema Educational Guild in the post-war years. Fagan and Fahey may have been introduced by antisemite and populist demagogue and founder of the America First Party, Reverand Gerald L.K. Smith. These transatlantic relationships were mutually beneficial, with Fahey receiving the prestige of communication with American insiders in the fight against communism, and Fahey’s impeccable religious and academic credentials lending weight to their paranoid fantasies. The CCTPA regularly distributed material that had originated with the CEG.

Maria Duce was also involved in a campaign to change Article 44 of the constitution, organising a petition to strengthen the definition of the Catholic Church as the official religion of the State. In spite of the outrageously overt antisemitism of the group’s activities, Fahey and other members tried to deny that they hated Jews as such, but instead hated and opposed Jewish Naturalism. Fahey’s writings and campaigns had gained accolades and support from various bishops around the country. However by 1951, with Maria Duce’s increasing public presence, McQuaid grew tired of the lay group’s independent organisation and its focus on “High Finance and International Jewry” and began its effective suppression. Following Fahey’s death in 1954, the Maria Duce society was directed by McQuaid to change their name to Firinne (Truth) and it survived into the 1960s. Probably the most famous member of Maria Duce was Seán South, a Limerick man who died during an IRA raid on an RUC barracks in Co. Fermanagh in 1957. Seán South was born in Limerick in 1928. His family had moved to the city around 1904 and his grandfather had purchased a premises for a grocery shop on Henry Street that had been vacated by a Jewish family, the Goldbergs, who had left following the attacks in 1904 and moved to Cork. Seán’s father took over the running of the grocery shop but died of tuberculosis in 1931 when Seán was three years old. He attended school in Limerick, completing his leaving cert in 1945 at the CBS in Sexton Street. South took a strong interest in the Irish language and scouting, joining the Catholic Boy Scouts aged eleven, and was joined there by the McCourt brothers. As part of the scouting activities, the boys took part in parades for the Redemptorist Fathers Confraternity. South was an enthusiastic Scout member and became Assistant Scoutmaster in 1947, leading Irish language patrols and starting his own magazine Gasóg Óg (Young Scout). Aged seventeen, South joined the Local Defence Force, an army reserve group akin to the FCA, where he received arms training and became an officer, obtaining the rank of First Lieutenant by 1955. Most descriptions of his character indicate a quiet, thoughtful and mild-mannered man.

South was a devout Catholic, attending mass every day. As part of his political endeavours, South was at times involved with Sinn Féin, the Gaelic League, the Legion of Mary and Clann na Poblachta. He co-founded an Irish language and culture organisation called Saighdiuiri na Saoirse in 1949 which published a newsletter called An Dord. The group had strict rules about not speaking English and struggled to attract new members. To encourage younger members, a youth wing called Giollai na Saoirse was started and proved more popular. South was elected as President of the Limerick Presidium of the Legion of Mary, and assisted the Catholic clergy in gathering information on Jehovah’s Witnesses active in Limerick, resulting in a blessing form the local Bishop.(It is unclear what was done with this information or the Jehovah’s Witnesses.) He was a talented artist and edited and illustrated his own magazines An Gath and An Giolla. South became involved in the Maria Duce movement, founding the Limerick branch of the group in 1949. Maria Duce were heavily involved in campaigns against Jewish and Communist influence in cinema that included picketing and leafletting of cinemas. As part of this campaign South wrote a series of letters to the Limerick Leader in 1949. As the country was embroiled in its own Red Scare at the time, these letters found a welcome home in the local newspaper. The letters were mostly anti-Communist in nature, but given the nature of Fahey’s teachings and some of the content of the letters, it might be assumed that South believed Jews were in control of the Communist movements. He complained about the “stream of insidious propaganda which proceeds from Judaeo-Masonic controlled sources, and which warps and corrupts the minds of our youth” and ”Jewish and Masonic executives” for turning cinema into “schools of corruption”. One of the letters included a list of sixty or so Hollywood stars accused of being Communist agents and concluded with the statement that “readers have by now some idea of the powers possessed by Communists in Hollywood…with Jewish and Masonic executives dictating to Communist rank and file.”

South may have been involved in the fascist political group Ailtirí na hAisérighe which was formed in 1942 by Gearóid Ó’Cuinnegáin. No official record of his membership exists but records are not complete and one of his biographers has claimed he was a member. However, as pointed out by RM Douglas, the group’s failure to capitalise on his martyrdom suggests that he was not a full member. Ailtirí na hAisérighe had campaigned strongly in Limerick for the 1945 local elections and their associated groups Craobh na hAiséirighe and Glún na Buaidhe had members in Limerick that South had befriended. South bought literature from Ailtirí na hAisérighe members which included a variety of antisemitic pamphlets stirring hatred against the Jewish community. South distributed the Maria Duce newsletter Fiat around Limerick which consisted of Fahey’s antisemitic writings and anti-communist screeds. Subjects included blaming the Jews for the US entry into the 2nd World War, blaming the Jews for creating Bolshevism, blaming the Jews for using Hollywood to spread evil, and blaming the Jews for all evil that ever existed in the world since the death of Jesus. The Limerick branch of Maria Duce was active during the Article 44 debate, with members writing to the Limerick Leader to try and establish Catholicism as the state religion and remove mention of Judaism and other religions from the constitution which they saw as necessary to prevent the advance of Jewish Naturalism in the country.

Fahey died in January 1954 and Maria Duce went into a steep decline, but South continued to lead the Limerick branch. He also wrote a series of articles for the Gaelic League magazine Rosc between 1954 and 1956 based on Fahey’s economic theories along with Hillaire Belloc and AK Chesterton, two favourite Catholic antisemites of the era. Fahey, like most of the Church, had hated the IRA who he thought were Communists, but South differed and after Fahey’s death he became a volunteer. In April 1954 South resigned from the Army Reserve, the Legion of Mary and all other organisations and joined the IRA. At the time the IRA was undertaking raids on British military bases to gather arms for a new campaign. After undergoing induction he became the Limerick Training Officer and carried out exercises in the Limerick area.

Sinn Fein’s United Irishman paper, continuing the tradition set by its founder Arthur Griffith, was still publishing antisemitic articles around this time, castigating the new state of Israel as pro-Communist and anti-Catholic, and denouncing its recognition as a result of rampant Jewish influence and fear of Jewish economic interests. Given this continued antisemitism following the Holocaust and the very recent history of sections of the IRA supporting Nazi Germany during the war, it is not unlikely that South felt comfortable politically in the organisation as it combined these views within larger Irish nationalist ideals. His career in the IRA was to be short-lived as he died aged twenty-eight a couple of years later.

South was killed alongside Fergal O’Hanlon on New Year’s Day 1957 during an attack on an RUC barracks in Brookeborough, Co. Fermanagh as part of the IRA’s Operation Harvest campaign which ran from 1956 to 1962. The unit had engaged in several weeks of raids and manoeuvres in Fermanagh during December and the local RUC were on high alert. A dump truck was taken by the unit and the RUC barracks was attacked with grenades, machine gun and rifle fire with a group of fourteen volunteers. The RUC returned fire, several men were wounded and the attack abandoned. South manned a machine gun which sprayed the barracks from the back of a truck during the attack but was shot and fatally wounded by returning gunfire. The unit escaped over the border to Monaghan but left behind two dead, South and O’Hanlon, a twenty year old volunteer from Monaghan. The operation was led by Seán Garland, later leader of the Official IRA and Workers Party who carried the wounded South away from the damaged truck to a farm building where he and O’Hanlon died. Up to fifty thousand people attended his funeral as Limerick came to a standstill to honour its fallen son. With his death on active service, South joined the ranks of Republican martyrs and was commemorated with a song Seán South from Garryowen which remains a popular rebel song, while O’Hanlon was memorialised in the song The Patriot Game.

REFERENCES

Athans, Mary Christine (1987) A New Perspective on Father Charles E. Coughlin Church History , Jun., 1987, Vol. 56, No. 2 (Jun., 1987), pp. 224-235

Athans, Mary Christine (1991) The Coughlin – Fahey Connection New York: Peter Lang

Bishop, Patrick and Mallie, Eamonn (1987) The Provisional IRA London: Heinemann

Cooney, John (1999) John Charles McQuaid Dublin: O’Brien Press

Curtis, Maurice (2010) A Challenge to Democracy – Militant Catholicism in Modern Ireland Dublin: The History Press

Curtis, Maurice (2019) Control and Constraint – The Catholic Action Movement in Ireland in the Twentieth Century Dublin: The Old Dublin Press

Delaney, Enda (2001) 'Political Catholicism in post-war Ireland: The Revd Denis Fahey and Maria Duce, 1945-54', The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, Vol. 52, No. 3, pp. 487-511.

Delaney, Enda (2011) Anti-communism in Mid-Twentieth-Century Ireland The English Historical Review , August 2011, Vol. 126, No. 521 (AUGUST 2011), pp. 878-903

Flynn, Kevin Haddick (2007) Seán South of Garryowen History Ireland, Vol. 15, No. 1 (Jan. – Feb., 2007), pp. 36-41

Fogerty, Des (2006) Seán South of Garryowen Limerick: AK Ilen

Gannon, Seán (2010) Schools of Corruption – The Contexts for Seán South’s Antisemitism The Old Limerick Journal Winter Edition 2010

Hannigan David (1993) Spiders Under the Stone Fortnight , Feb., 1993, No. 314 (Feb., 1993), pp. 34-35

Hickey, DJ and Doherty JE (2005) A New Dictionary of Irish History from 1800 Dublin: Gill and MacMillan

Kertzer, David I. (2001) The Popes Against the Jews – The Vatican’s Role in the Rise of Modern Anti-Semitism New York: Vintage

Fountainhead of Irish antisemitism

Father Denis Fahey, C.S.Sp., was born in Golden Co. Tipperary in 1883 and attended secondary school at Rockwell College from 1895 to 1900. Rockwell is a prestigious Spiritan college closely linked with Blackrock College in Dublin. After leaving Rockwell Fahey trained as a priest for a year at the Holy Ghost Seminary near Paris coinciding with the height of the Dreyfus affair which polarised France between secular anti-clerical republicans and Catholic nationalists with strong antisemitic tendencies. The French revolution had granted rights to Jews not seen in European monarchies, and the struggle over France’s system of government since then was relevant to the status of Jewish people living in the state and was tied up in Catholic and royalist (often one and the same) attitudes towards the Republique. By 1900, Jews in France were being blamed by nationalists for the country’s problems far beyond the false allegations against Dreyfus. Themes of Jews as alien infiltrators and traitors were commonly aired in the right wing press. It’s likely that the atmosphere had an effect on the young novitiate. Fahey returned to Ireland to complete a degree in Dublin in 1906 before returning to France where he made his vows as a Holy Ghost Father in 1907. He spent the years 1908 to 1912 studying in Rome during a period of intense anti-modernism under Pope Pius X who continued the work of his predecessor Leo XIII. Fahey’s French language skills and the associations he had with France and the Holy Ghosts led him to be influenced by a seminarian named Henri Le Floch who was the Superior of the Collège Français in Rome while Fahey stayed there. Le Floch had a significant impact on Fahey, and another notable student of Le Floch’s around this time was Marcel Lefebvre who would go on become Holy Ghost Superior General and found the Society of Saint Pius X. Fahey returned home to Ireland in 1912 as an ordained priest with two PhDs in philosophy and divinity and started teaching at the new seminary in Kimmage.

Fahey was prone to health problems and spent some time during the first world war in Switzerland recuperating and attending to injured soldiers, leading him to miss many of the crucial events in Ireland from 1916-1919. After this period he lived in Ireland until his death in 1954. As professor of Philosophy and Church History, Fahey had a great deal of influence over the many seminarians that passed through Kimmage at a time of unprecedented Church power in Ireland, including the future Archbishop of Dublin John Charles McQuaid. The Holy Ghost Fathers were heavily involved in education in Ireland and abroad. Fahey and Father Edward Cahill at the Jesuit college in Milltown frequently exchanged books and ideas. Fahey also became a distant supporter of the French proto-fascist antisemitic political group Action Française before it was denounced by Pope Pius XI in 1926. Another French Catholic influence was the writer Father Ernest Jouin and his journal Revue International des Sociétés Secrètes. This paper, along with the journal of Action Française, were the main antisemitic papers in France in the interwar period. Jouin was endorsed by several popes and was a major contributor to antisemitic literature in the 1920s, promoting the forged Protocols of the Elders of Zion and coining the term ‘Judeomasonic’. Pope Pius XI praised Jouin for ‘combating our mortal enemy’. Fahey became quite paranoid of Jewish influence and seemed to fear assassination or assault from Jewish spies.

Fahey established himself as an author and theologian. His main work was contained in a small book published in 1931 titled The Kingship of Christ according to the Principles of St. Thomas Aquinas. In addition to theological attacks on Jews, Fahey indulged himself in more materialistic attacks as well. Reflecting the anti-modernist stance common in the Church, the main themes of Fahey’s writing revolve around diabolical forces attempting to destroy the earth and the Church. Fahey stated he did not know if the Protocols were fake, but used them extensively as part of his discussions. He identified his writing as part of Christ’s work and was unable to take criticism, viewing any critique as an attack on Christ himself. Fahey’s philosophical ideas included viewing the Church as the Mystical Body of Christ, and Satan as the head of the forces organised against Christ. Anything that opposed the Church, became by definition, Satanic, which included any left-wing, socialist or communist movements dedicated to material gain for the working classes but also any attempt at liberalising or secularising social institutions. Behind all these movements, which included the Reformation, the French Revolution and the rise of liberalism were hidden Jewish forces, controlling the direction they took, and attempting to damage and destroy the Holy Roman Catholic Church. In this he was influenced by Nesta Webster, an English writer who promoted theories of Jewish involvement in secret societies advocating for revolution. Webster promoted the Protocols, was involved in British fascist groups in the 1930s and influenced the later John Birch Society and many other anti-communist and antisemitic groups. Even Hillaire Beloc described her writing as ‘lunatic’, but Fahey enthusiastically promoted her work to this students.

Public lectures with titles such as ‘Opposition to God’s Plan in the Jewish Nation and Roman Empire’ were symbolic of Fahey’s views on Jews and their role in modern society. Fahey used the term Organised Naturalism as a synonym for Jewish and Freemason attempts to destroy traditional society in league with Satan. Fahey’s theory of Naturalism was juxtaposed with Supernaturalism, which basically meant a belief in God and heaven, whereas Naturalism rejected God and the supernatural in preference to worldly experiences. This was understood to mean materialistic concerns of goods and property that formed the basis for both capitalist and communist economic theory. In Fahey’s view, as Jews rejected Jesus as the Messiah, they rejected God, and embraced materialism. This theological rationale can be seen as providing excuses for wide-ranging antisemitic conspiracy theories blaming Jews for any economic problems encountered in the world. Central to this theology was also the concept of Order as exemplified by the followers of Christ, who were under attack from non-followers who risked plunging the world into disorder, and again these forces were exemplified by Jews. The root cause of this antagonism towards Jews came from a theological understanding of the rejection of Christ by the Jews as their messiah as central to their role in combatting the divine order or God’s plan for the world. In Fahey’s mind a second major historical split occurred with the rise of individualism in the Reformation, as Protestant monarchs rejected the supremacy of the pope in favour of more localised power. Unsurprisingly, Fahey saw Jewish influence as being central to the Reformation and the challenges to Rome.

The 1937 Constitution of the Republic of Ireland was the first in the world to mention inclusion of Jewish people as part of the state. Fahey’s response to this attempt at religious pluralism was to warn of a Jewish takeover of the country:

Thus it is to be feared that conflict lies ahead of us in Ireland, for the installation of the Natural Messias aimed at by the Jewish nation inevitably leads not only to the elimination of the Supernatural Messias, Our Lord Jesus Christ, but the subjection of all nations to the Jewish nation. Citizenship of the Irish State can be for the Jews only a means for the attainment of their own national ideal.

Writing in 1943’s The Kingship of Christ and Organized Naturalism Fahey claimed that allowing Jews to have citizenship was an important step in Satan’s plan to destroy God’s work on Earth:

The first step towards this is to get all religions, including the Jewish religion, put on the same level as the Catholic church. The granting of full citizenship to the Jews, who, as a nation, are engaged in preparing for the Natural Messiah (by which he means Satan), tends in the same direction.

In further argumentation against permitting Jewish people to be welcome in his vison of an Irish society, or indeed any society:

The Jews, as a nation, are objectively aiming at giving society a direction which is in complete opposition to the order God wants...Where the Jews are powerful they openly attack the Supernatural Messias and the Supernatural Life of Grace which comes from Him. In countries where they are only advancing to power, they content themselves with desupernaturalizing the observances and customs which have sprung from acceptance from acceptance of the Supernatural Messias. When the latter process has been carried on for a sufficiently long time and Catholics have grown weak, the open attack can begin.

Fahey makes the argument that Jews remain concerned with the advancement of Jewish interests despite what nationality or citizenship they might obtain, and will use any position of power to destroy their ‘host’ nation and usurp power in the name of worldwide Jewish supremacy, and that this is required of any Jew due to their beliefs. Writing at the height of the Holocaust, Fahey approvingly quoted an antisemitic French theologian, Henri Delassus:

The Jews must cease to be officers, magistrates, professors, civil servants, barristers, attorneys, doctors in the public service… Jewish functionaries must be obliged to resign from government positions.

And again quoting approvingly from the Jesuit journal Civiltà Cattolica:

If the Jews are not rendered harmless by means of special laws depriving them of that civil equality to which they have no right, nothing useful or lasting will be accomplished.

While this language of scapegoating, ghettoization and expulsion is readily associated in the minds of a modern reader with the Nazis, similar language has been used for centuries by Catholic teachings, and it is in this tradition that Fahey firmly situates himself. If his views should overlap with fascism, then so be it. Fahey exhorts Catholics to fight against any advance of Jewish power:

We must combat Jewish attempts to bring under their domination individual Catholics and Catholic countries, even more vigorously than we must struggle against Freemasonry, because Jews form a more strongly organized and more cohesive naturalistic force than Freemasonry.

In opposition to the Holy Trinity, Fahey sees three prongs of Naturalism attacking the Church:

The invisible host is that of Satan and the other fallen angels, while the visible forces are those of the Jewish Nation and Freemasonry.

Eamon DeValera was very familiar with Fahey. They had played schoolboy rugby together, and consulted with him on matters relating to constitutional history and law. They met and walked together on the grounds of Blackrock College during the years leading up to the new constitution and it is likely that was a significant part of their conversations.

Fahey’s 1935 book The Mystical Body of Christ in the Modern World contains a lengthy description of his views on the Jewish influence behind the 1917 Russian revolution. This chapter, titled ‘The Agents of Revolution’ was reprinted by Father Coughlin as ‘The Rulers of Russia’ and widely distributed in the US. The 1938 Edition starts with the lines:

In this pamphlet I present to my readers a number of serious documents which go to show that the real forces behind Bolshevism in Russia are Jewish forces, and that Bolshevism is really an instrument in the hands of the Jews for the establishment of their future Messianic kingdom.

Fahey goes on to produce lists of Jews that were involved in communist movements as proof of their attempts to destroy western civilisation and included quotations from various rabidly antisemitic ‘sources’. One of these, later parroted by Coughlin, claimed suppression of a 1919 British Foreign Office report on the Bolshevik revolution, part of which stated ‘it is organised and worked by Jews who have no nationality and whose one object is to destroy for their own ends the existing order of things.’ All these sources amount to a conspiracy by European powers who were at war with each other collaborating to install a Jewish dictatorship in Russia. Many of these dubious sources were reused by Coughlin in his most controversial radio broadcasts in 1938-39. The book also regurgitates excuses for Nazi oppression of German Jews:

The movement which centres round the figure of Hitler has reacted against the state of affairs outlined by Dr. Eberle. The Jewish claim to be the race and nation destined by God to mould other nations—this is the necessary significance of their looking forward to another Messias—has led to a partial conflict.

After his Kristallnacht broadcasts, Father Coughlin began to heavily promote Father Fahey’s work, naming him as an important researcher and source of information on Jewish conspiracies. Fahey’s books were sold in their thousands at Coughlin’s megachurch in Royal Oak, and his philosophical literature was used to portray a veneer of intellectual legitimacy on Coughlin’s antisemitic broadcasts. 350,000 copies of Fahey’s Rulers of Russia were distributed by Coughlin but royalties were not paid to Fahey, only a cheque for $100 to offset costs. Fahey’s influence on Coughlin appears to have been strong. Although Coughlin had long indulged in antisemitic conspiracies, the tone shifted to a much darker place around 1938 as he discovered Fahey’s writings which added more varied source materials from Europe and crucially provided a theological justification for his anti-Jewish broadcasts and writing. Fahey was first mentioned in Social Justice in August 1938, with a lengthy introduction to his views on Jews and the Russian Revolution, and became a regular figure in Coughlin’s paper after that. Both Coughlin and Fahey had devised forms of a ‘third way’ between unrestrained capitalism and atheistic communism, essentially Catholic forms of fascism that advocated for programs for alleviating the worst social deprivation and married them with authoritarianism fuelled by bigotry and hatred. Coughlin made use of Fahey’s lists of Jews and promoted them to his millions of listeners, vastly amplifying the writings of the Dublin based professor, who he labelled ‘one of the most outstanding scholars in Ireland’ and repeatedly leaned on him as an authoritative source for information on Jewish wrongdoing. A December 1938 issue of Social Justice promoted The Mystical Body of Christ in the Modern World on the front cover and praised it as ‘almost indispensable’, and Coughlin’s weekly column was handed over to Fahey for an article titled ‘The International Bankers’. This was a level of promotion not afforded by Coughlin to any other author. Coughlin made extensive use of Fahey’s writings on banking, communism and Jews over the following years, and the two men corresponded for many years. Fahey acted as a conduit and translator for French and Latin language writing that conferred a sense of legitimacy upon brutal anti-Jewish hatred in the American far-right of the 30s and 40s, while his Irishness helped appeal to a large contingent of Irish-Americans seeking the same sense of righteousness. In this, his influence on the larger American far-right movement should not be understated.

Many of Coughlin’s supporters wrote to Fahey and he gained a significant following in North America. Fahey’s international connections can be seen in his influence on the self-proclaimed ‘Canadian führer’ Adrien Arcand and his various associated fascist parties. Arcand translated and distributed various works of Fahey’s. Fahey also had a correspondence with Rev. Gerald L.K. Smith who inherited Huey Long’s populist organisation, and collaborated with Coughlin for a period in the Union Party. The two exchanged material, with Smith sending 1200 copies of Red Stars In Hollywood to Fahey after the war. It’s likely this book, which mostly accused Jewish actors of being communists, played a part in the activities of Fahey’s organisation Maria Duce which targeted Hollywood cinema as a sources of degeneracy. Smith thanked Fahey for his work which he said had ‘lead me to a deeper spiritual life as well as a realization of the evil forces of International Jewry.’ In turn, Fahey furnished Smith with hundreds of copies of The Rulers of Russia which was used by McCarthy-era far-right groups. Its contents have been reproduced innumerable times in other formats. Another notable correspondent of Fahey’s was Senator Jack Tenney of California who was involved in McCarthyite investigations and provided Fahey with further information on his probing of Jewish and communist influence in Hollywood. Tenney was General Douglas MacArthur’s running mate for the presidency in 1952. Fahey also corresponded with Gertrude Coogan, Coughlin’s economics advisor whose work he had cited in Money Manipulation and the Social Order.

Fahey remained steadfastly opposed to Irish Republicanism. In relation to the IRA’s stance on the public ownership of the means of production Fahey stated:

If ever a Communist Republic is set up in Ireland, we shall be trampled underfoot in another world empire ruled from Moscow – or Jerusalem.

One of Fahey’s final works was titled The Kingship of Christ and the Conversion of the Jewish Nation (1953) which had difficulty in being approved by the church hierarchy and was quietly blacklisted by Archbishop McQuaid. In it Fahey embraced an extremist view of Jewish beliefs and spends two hundred pages detailing their supposed collective crimes against humanity. He warned against offering citizenship to Jews as this would enable attacks on the one true church to take place in the form of appeals to secularism or multi-denominationalism. Part of Fahey’s response to the establishment of the state of Israel called for the removal of Jewish people from public representation:

The setting up of the Jewish State must logically lead to the elimination of Jews from the public life of England, Ireland and other countries.

In a highly confrontational and belligerent strand of Catholicism, as Fahey exemplified, it is hard to see this as anything but a call to arms for followers to attack Jews by whatever means they felt appropriate, shortly after the horrors of the Holocaust had been made widely known. Fahey tried to distinguish between an antisemitism of Jew hating and an anti-Judaism that he and the Church as a whole engaged in, a tactic that was adopted by the Church in the wake of the Holocaust and used to deflect blame for the outcomes of their teachings.

Fahey made some vague attempt at condemning the Holocaust, but downplayed the numbers of dead as Jewish propaganda. More specifically he warned that any softening of views regarding the Jews being a principal source of evil in the world would only lead to more destruction of Christian nations. He took a soft view of the massive genocidal crimes of the Third Reich viewing them as a response to Jewish provocation.

In order to understand the different currents in the German reaction against Jewish-Masonic influence, we must bear well in mind that the Jewish Nation and Freemasonry are working in the camp of Satan for the reign of Naturalism.

One of Fahey’s sources for the book was Arnold Leese, the English camel doctor turned arch-antisemite and leader of the Imperial Fascist League who at the time of writing was mentoring post-war neo-Nazi leader Colin Jordan. Fahey cites Leese in determining that the number of Jews killed in the Holocaust was numerically impossible. One has to wonder how familiar Fahey was with Leese’s journal Gothic Ripples to be citing it as an authority on the Holocaust. Other authors of a similar quality, such as Douglas Reed and Robert H. Williams, allowed Fahey to push Holocaust denial to his audience of Catholic intellectuals. He reiterated his assertion that Jewish investors controlled the Soviet Union and refused to accept reports of Jewish persecution there, dismissing these as Zionist propaganda designed to inspire support in the west. Fahey repeated his tactic of ‘naming the Jew’ with a list of Jewish people involved in the UN, repeating a lie that 60% of the UN staff were Jewish and claiming the first world war was started by Jews so that they could claim 5 trillion dollars worth of minerals in the Dead Sea and become masters of the world. The UN, needless to say has been started “in preparation for the setting-up of a definitely anti-Supernatural World Government, under Jewish control.”

Fahey’s political activities and his organisation Maria Duce will be discussed in Part 2.

REFERENCES

Athans, Mary Christine (1987) A New Perspective on Father Charles E. Coughlin Church History , Jun., 1987, Vol. 56, No. 2 (Jun., 1987), pp. 224-235

Athans, Mary Christine (1991) The Coughlin – Fahey Connection New York: Peter Lang

Cooney, John (1999) John Charles McQuaid Dublin: O’Brien Press

Curtis, Maurice (2010) A Challenge to Democracy – Militant Catholicism in Modern Ireland Dublin: The History Press

Curtis, Maurice (2019) Control and Constraint – The Catholic Action Movement in Ireland in the Twentieth Century Dublin: The Old Dublin Press

Delaney, Enda (2001) 'Political Catholicism in post-war Ireland: The Revd Denis Fahey and Maria Duce, 1945-54', The Journal of Ecclesiastical History, Vol. 52, No. 3, pp. 487-511.

Delaney, Enda (2011) Anti-communism in Mid-Twentieth-Century Ireland The English Historical Review , August 2011, Vol. 126, No. 521 (AUGUST 2011), pp. 878-903

Fahey, Denis (1938) The Rulers of Russia Dublin: The Trader Publishing Company

Fahey, Denis (1943) The Kingship of Christ and Organized Naturalism Cork: The Forum Press

Fahey, Denis (1944) Money Manipulation and Social Order Dublin: Browne and Nolan

Kertzer, David I. (2001) The Popes Against the Jews – The Vatican’s Role in the Rise of Modern Anti-Semitism New York: Vintage

There’s a meme format where the guy at a party is thinking about something and it often pops into my head when I find out something niche and nerdy about the far right. Like the folksy looking tea company from Yorkshire that’s run by neo-Nazis, which if you’re still used to thinking of boneheads in bomber jackets might be a bit surprising. Times are changing, and versions of the far-right mutate and coalesce rapidly in the online era. But that said, why not start with a quote from Adolf Hitler, a man who needs little introduction.

When people attempt to rebel against the iron logic of nature, they come into conflict with the very same principles to which they owe their existence as human beings. Their actions against nature must lead to their own downfall. (Mein Kampf)

Most people today will consider concerns with the environment to be the remit of liberal and left politics, and associate the right with indifference or callousness towards environmental degradation and climate change. Despite the dominant trends since the 1960s, environmental activism has long shown a distinct link to right wing politics and issues. This is not necessarily a bad thing. There will probably always be conservative people and using these connections to form cross-community alliances to adjust for climate change is going to be necessary. However, the further right on the political spectrum we go, the more likely attacks on minorities as scapegoats for social problems become a mainstay of the movement. While the right and far-right attachment to environmental politics has faded over the last number of decades it still holds its own logic that may become more relevant in the near future as the impact of climate collapse hits harder. One term for this is reactionary ecology, which can be seen as those movements which seek to produce and enforce racial and sexual hierarchies through invoking ‘natural’ systems. Before digging in it might be a good idea to define some of the terms used here. The term far-right will be used as a general term but it should be understood as several distinct and often competing elements.

Reactionary right groups advocate a form of ultra-conservatism, attempting to capture institutions and use them to impose their vision of society. Fascism should be seen as a revolutionary force willing to destroy institutions to get its way. Christian nationalist groups attempt to impose theocratic rule through the state. While fascist groups are always overtly violent, using threats, street gangs and paramilitaries to gain power, the others may hide their violence behind the forces of the state. In an Irish context, the gold-hoarding Hitler-quoting National Party might be considered fascist, the Irish Freedom Party might be considered reactionary right, and a group like the trad-catholic SSPX-Resistance sect could be thought of as Christian nationalist, although this term is more typically used in an American context.

Fascism itself is a notoriously tricky thing to define. Some of the best attempts have been offered by the Italian writer Umberto Eco, American historian Robert Paxton who wrote a lot about World War 2, and Yale professor of philosophy Jason Stanley. Eco wrote in 1995’s Ur-Fascism a list of 14 traits he considered to define the fascist movements that had blighted his early years. It’s a very lengthy definition but worth a read. Stanley offered ten traits for fascist politics in 2014’s How Fascism Works.

Paxton wrote in his 2004 work Anatomy of Fascism: “Fascism may be defined as a form of political behaviour marked by obsessive preoccupation with community decline, humiliation, or victim-hood and by compensatory cults of unity, energy, and purity, in which a mass-based party of committed nationalist militants, working in uneasy but effective collaboration with traditional elites, abandons democratic liberties and pursues with redemptive violence and without ethical or legal restraints goals of internal cleansing and external expansion.”

In terms of class composition, fascism can be seen as a cross-class collaboration led by the downwardly mobile middle classes, backed up by disenfranchised elements of the working class and financed by wealthy backers.

The phrase eco-fascism has a few different interpretations, sometimes used pejoratively to dismiss impassioned ecological movements. As used here it refers to a strand of fascism that sees nature as a source of power and inspiration, and uses the defence of nature to justify fascist outcomes such as genocide and ethnic cleansing.

Pre-1914

The history of modern western environmentalism might be said to have been formed in the American west, where the conservation movement became aware of the potential for rapacious economic expansion to destroy beautiful natural regions at the frontiers of the United States. The urge to save these areas from the mechanised advances of industrial civilization was justified, as settlers and their economy had ravaged the enormous primeval forests of the east and showed no sign of slowing down, but the urge to conserve spaces for the enjoyment of those that could afford it was based on the same logic of the frontier settlement itself. The remote areas were seen as pristine and untouched and the solution was to drive out the native population and install a guardianship of responsible settlers to oversee the preservation of the wilderness, thus disregarding the thousands of years of native land stewardship that existed in these areas. The logic persists to this day on Turtle Island, albeit with some improvements in relationship to the First Nations. The great National Park system of the US and Canada was founded on removing Indigenous people and their lifestyles and traditions from defined areas and replacing them with a carefully controlled and managed system, usually with an adjacent tourist economy to milk profits from the remaining pockets of so-called wilderness. This logic was akin to colonialism in other parts of the world where enlightened Europeans would attempt to save some places of natural beauty from destruction while blaming displaced and impoverished natives for trying to survive the brutal effects of colonial exploitation.

One of the main architects of the National Park system in the early twentieth century was Madison Grant, a colleague of Theodore Roosevelt, who is credited with developing modern wildlife management practices and helping to save several species from extinction. (As an aside, Roosevelt himself coined the phrase ‘race suicide’ as a precursor to the great replacement or white genocide conspiracy theories popular with today’s racists.) Madison Grant was also a prominent eugenicist (which at the time was popular across the political spectrum) and anti-immigration activist whose writings on the superiority of Nordic races were a significant influence on Hitler who described Grant’s book, The Passing of the Great Race as his bible. His work on racialised statistics and his legal advocacy led to legislation excluding Asians, Africans and Southern Europeans from immigrating to the US. Advocating extremist white supremacy was for Grant a logical development of his understanding of the natural environment. His conserving of endangered species such as the bison was also reflected in his attempts at preserving the Nordic or Aryan race from extinction, a fear that drives much of the latter day far right movement.

Predating the rise of late nineteenth century American movements, as a backlash to the industrial revolution and the age of enlightenment, the Romantic movement grew in popularity, emphasising an idealised connection with nature and glorifying a pre-industrial past. Some elements of the Romantic movement in Germany in the early 1800s contained many aspects of anti-rationalist thought, connecting the natural world with a xenophobic nationalist fervour that viewed their pristine homeland being degraded by the forces of technology and undesirable outsiders, such as the French from the west, the Slavs from the east and the Jews from inside. These ideas became an important part of German nationalist thought post-unification in 1870 and morphed into the völkish movement in the late nineteenth century, which again laid the blame for the ecological damage of industrial capitalism at outsiders corrupting a primeval utopia.

One of the adherents to völkism, Ernst Haeckel, coined the term ecology in 1867. Haeckel was a prominent zoologist and artist who popularised Darwin’s ideas on evolution. Haeckel also promoted scientific racism, believing in the racial superiority of northern Europeans. He supported ideas on racial purity, advocated for policies of executing disabled people, and was a fervent nationalist. The very concept of ecology was linked to reactionary authoritarian views from its conception, and Haeckel successfully introduced a scientific veneer of Social Darwinism to the essentially irrational mystical racism of the völkish movement. This is not to say that ecology itself is inextricably tarnished, but that it has a complicated history that deserves careful consideration as to how and why it has fostered or been adopted by reactionary movements.

Interwar

In the aftermath of the First World War, many German youth groups or Wandervögel were set up to promote healthy lifestyles. Many of the youth groups were influenced by the Romantics and became disinterested in the social causes of environmental destruction, preferring to focus on individual choices and eschewing radical critiques of the economics of the time. When the Nazis rose to power, many of the Wandervögel were swept along into the party. Fascist ideas of youthful virility and health in the name of securing a future for the master race led many into activities such as health foods, alternative medicines and environmental protection, and vice versa as the seductive power of authoritarianism led many to pin their hopes on fascist parties saving the environment.

Martin Heidegger, one of the most prominent of the Nazi philosophers, is often defended by people who find affinity with his ecological writings, his decentring of the human experience, advocacy of local power and defence of the natural world, without realising that all these elements are not incompatible with Nazism. This is of course, not to say that all or any of these ideas themselves constitute a far-right ideology, but merely to point out that they are not fundamentally left or right. The fusing of nationalism and nature was a key component of the Nazi program, the enduring slogan of Blut und Boden or Blood and Soil was popularised by Richard Walther Darré, the Nazi minister for Agriculture The slogan laid claim to the land and pledged to defend it from outsiders. Darré was also a leading race theorist of the party (who referred to Jews as weeds) and held a large influence over its ideology, solidifying its anti-urban and anti-modern outlook while also funding organic farming programs as part of the war effort. Another aspect of the reactionary ecology of the era was upholding a ‘natural order’ that included genocidal eugenics and Aryan supremacy. Blood and Soil implied that other races were not capable of such rootedness, and thus lesser. This in turn justified Lebensraum policies of invading territory in the east and murdering or otherwise ridding it of its inhabitants who would then be replaced by responsible German settlers. The traditional rural village was idealised as a contrast to the degenerate modernist multicultural cities. These were core beliefs of many of the party leadership.

The Nazi party was not a monolith and different tendencies and factions vied for power and influence. While some in the party rejected tendencies such as anthroposophy and biodynamics as quackery, Rudolph Steiner’s ideas of ‘root races’ blended easily with ideas of Aryan supremacy. The Anthroposophical Society itself was banned in 1935 as part of a wider crackdown on any competing social organisations not under Nazi control. Heinrich Himmler (head of the SS and the Gestapo and one of the lead architects of the Holocaust) was attracted to mysticism and established organic farms to produce herbal medicine for SS soldiers including one at Dachau concentration camp. Rudolph Hess (Deputy Führer until 1941) used homeopathic medicine and followed a strict biodynamic diet. Hitler promoted renewable energy as an alternative to coal and diesel power. Environmental considerations were adopted at a federal and state level for construction projects and strict rules protecting flora and fauna were introduced to combat rural degradation. All this environmentalism was a fundamental part of the Aryan racial rejuvenation that would see them attempt to conquer the world, and not some exercise in greenwashing to gain popularity.

The Nazi views on the environment, natural purity and the laws of nature perversely helped to lay the foundations for industrial mass murder. The logic of mystical ecology devoid of social analysis gave rise to genocide as a solution to environmental destruction.

Post-War

The connection between the far-right and environmentalism was proven time and again in post-war Germany where far-right groups continuously included environmental aspects to their programs and manifestos and made inroads into the German Green movement over the course of several decades. This took the form of both of far-right groups proclaiming their environmental credentials and of environmentalists attempting to reclaim what they thought of as the useful parts of Nazi history.

In Britain, The Soil Association, set up in 1946, was an early advocate of organic farming practices and counted several notable fascist and Nazi supporters among its leadership such as Jorian Jenks, the former BUF agricultural advisor. Jenks had advocated for small scale organic farming as a means to disengage from the world markets and become self-sufficient in food production. He maintained contact with Darré after the war, continued to work with Mosley and his Union Movement and edited the Soil Association journal, Mother Earth until his death in 1963. The British Nationalist Party have claimed to be Britain’s only true Green party because they are willing to blame immigration for environmental problems. Others even further to the right have adopted environmentalism and animal rights as more prominent aspects of their platforms. Animal rights is also an area of crossover between left and right. Concern for the welfare of animals has been used as a means to differentiate between superior and inferior races or cultures by the far-right for decades. In the 1930’s a prominent anti-vivisection group in London was considered a wing of the British Union of Fascists and animal welfare has not infrequently been an issue for various far right groups since. Criticisms of kosher and halal practices by these groups are often thinly veiled excuses for racism and anti-immigrant activity. The relationships between animal rights groups and the far right have not been one-way and have been a consistent element of far right platforms for a century. Notional appeals to ‘purity’, whether through a vegan diet, abstinence from alcohol and other substances, racial and ethnic homogeneity, sexual preferences and other areas of human activity can coalesce into a powerful sense of superiority and be used to justify harm to those considered less pure.

In France, parts of the Nouvelle Droit, spearheaded by Alain de Benoist and GRECE, have embraced ecology since the early 90’s and developed ways to use environmental concerns to attract followers and mainstream their far-right ideology. This has since been taken up by Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National touting borders as the best defence for the environment. Both RN and Golden Dawn in Greece have founded Green wings of their parties and the logic of ‘ecobordering’ is fast replacing denialism among many of the leading European far-right parties. The Swiss People’s Party conflates immigration with increased carbon emissions and water and air pollution. The fascist Italian Casa Pound group promotes itself as a defender of biodiversity and nativist ecology, organizing an annual tree-planting event aimed at protecting native plants from invasive and destructive alien plants. Jobbik in Hungary has campaigned against invasive flora. The neo-Nazi Nordic Resistance Movement in Norway and Sweden campaigns for animal and environmental rights while ranting against Jews and immigrants taking over Scandinavia.

In the US, a large and widely successful white supremacist network was set up and run by one of the worst Americans you may never have heard of – John Tanton. Tanton was an ophthalmologist from Michigan who started his activism with mainstream environmental groups such as the Sierra Club, Audubon Society and the Nature Conservancy. An obsession with population and birth rates led him into the world of white supremacy. Tanton was heavily influenced and worked with Paul Ehrlich, the Stanford professor and author who wrongly predicted massive famines due to population growth. Tanton also advocated for abortion rights and eugenics in the US in order to reduce undesirable populations and linked immigration to environmental destruction, advocating this position in both far-right and environmental circles at a high level. Both Tanton and his wife served as active members of Planned Parenthood, a prominent abortion and birth control advocacy group that had its roots in eugenics and race science. The founder, Margaret Sanger, was a family friend of the Mellons who would later finance Tanton’s groups. By the late 80s, Tanton was fully immersed in the besuited white supremacist movement, working with the likes of Jared Taylor and Peter Brimelow and publishing racist screeds like the novel Camp of the Saints by Jean Raspail, which has become a keystone text of modern racist movements, all financed by the massive wealth of Cordelia Scaife May, heiress of the Mellon fortune, and supported by wealthy oil executives and prominent politicians. His anti-immigration groups had innocuous sounding names, such as Federation for American Immigration Reform and NumbersUSA, but with the help of Scaife Maye’s money (totalling hundreds of millions of dollars) and Tanton’s tireless organising, his network grew to exert a substantial influence over the right wing of the Republican party. The multiple organisations gave the appearance of a diverse network of groups who could cite each other’s work to provide evidence for their claims. Tanton and his associates, including Sea Shepherd founder Paul Watson, repeatedly tried to take over the Sierra Club in the early 2000s, attempting to turn America’s largest and best-known conservation group into an anti-immigration platform. After the election of Trump in 2016, Tanton associates such as Stephen Miller, Kellyanne Conway, Jeff Sessions and others, along with lesser-known activists filled the ranks of the Trump appointees to immigration related federal departments, and helped implement attempted bans on Muslim immigration and the building of a border wall with Mexico

Garret Hardin was another prominent American ecologist active from the 60s through to the 90s who worked with Tanton. Hardin was a professor of ecology at the University of California and his work focused on overpopulation as a cause of ecological collapse. His views on immigration can easily be categorized as white nationalist and he popularized the concept of lifeboat ethics, whereby helping others leads to disaster for all. His views on collective ownership leading to social collapse are consistent with American anti-left thought and gained him popularity among pro-private ownership ecologists. Hardin championed proposals for authoritarian solutions to environmental problems which are increasingly being taken up by tech elites, proposing to harness state surveillance to enforce environmental protection. The expansion of state powers cannot realistically be done in one direction without expanding power and coercion among all aspects of the state, leading to higher levels of repression and control. This is something that some environmentalists seem willing to take bets on as long as they think they are in control.

Another notable intellectual in this milieu was the recently deceased Richard Lynn, a professor at the University of Ulster and the ESRI in Dublin who published many works promoting eugenics, founded the Ulster Institute for Social Research and headed the Pioneer Fund, a US based group heavily linked to white supremacist groups. Lynn edited a white supremacist journal called Mankind Quarterly and heavily influenced and funded Richard Herrnstein and Charles Murray who wrote The Bell Curve in 1994, a thinking man’s guide to being a racist arsehole. Part of his work with the ESRI, for which he was presumably handsomely rewarded, involved explaining how Ireland’s economy was bad because Irish people are genetically stupid with low IQs.

From the 1960’s on, the environmental movement, particularly in North America readily embraced the overpopulation thesis of environmental destruction, focussing heavily on the raw numbers of people, while not treating the levels of consumption among wealthier people as the main driver of extraction and pollution. This led inevitably to eugenicist policies to prevent people considered less worthy from breeding, ideas still being promoted by the likes of Al Gore and Bill Gates. The writing of Thomas Malthus in the late 18th century laid much of the groundwork for this approach. Malthus wrote about how savages were unable to control their own population through self-restraint which led to overpopulation, famine and death. His ideas were used to justify non-intervention during An Gorta Mór, with the benevolent ruling class at the time deciding that it might be for the best if there were simply less Irish people living in Ireland. These attitudes were widespread throughout the European colonies for centuries, as native populations were considered either incapable of living responsibly or treated as part of the local flora and fauna to be managed by the colonisers.

Terms such as ‘carrying capacity’ can be easily adopted for racist ends, being used as a justification for excluding immigrants. In 2019, two massacres, in Christchurch, New Zealand and El Paso, Texas, by far-right gunmen, resulted in the deaths of 51 and 23 people respectively, (mostly Muslims and Latinos). The gunmen were heavily influenced by ecofascist perspectives on immigration, population and environmental destruction. The Christchurch shooter self-described as an ecofascist and wrote ‘The invaders are the ones overpopulating the world. Kill the invaders, kill the overpopulation and in doing so save the environment.’ Part of the El Paso shooter’s manifesto stated that ‘if we can get rid of enough people then our way of life can become more sustainable.’ Implied in the statement is a value judgement on whose way of life should be preserved and which people must die. The manifesto also contained many references to industrial pollution and ecological destruction by corporations and consumerist society and laid the blame at overpopulation by immigrants. While frequently described as lone wolf attacks, the perpetrators of the mass killings should be seen as members of diffused online networks whose members urge and glorify these actions and venerate the killers as saints.

The fascist imaginary of a past, idealised harmonious nation is taken to mean that pollution was not an issue until ‘others’ started showing up. While focusing on immigration and population, these parties tend to not engage in basic critiques of consumption, industrialization and extraction as the main drivers of climate change and environmental collapse. The attempt is to make whole again what has been broken by modernity. The more esoteric elements of fascist thought, – such as Savitri Devi who developed a philosophy of worshipping Hitler as a god, and Julius Evola whose writings rejecting modernity have found plenty of adherents among modern fascists, including Steve Bannon– have frequently included concepts of nature and natural order, to justify their extreme racism and advocacy of mass violence.

Present Day

The alt-right movement which coalesced around the Trump election has since splintered into assorted component parts, some of which have taken on significant environmental aesthetics and ideas. Many of the rejections of modernity, to borrow a popular phrase from Evola, comprise an embrace of traditional hyper-masculine endeavours posed in contrast to what they see as a decadent liberal culture. Meat-based diets, tradwives and cottage-core, survivalist practices, paganism, mysticism, conspirituality, paranoia about state and corporate control, setting up rural communes and trying to breed a new generation of white children to save the master race all have direct links to right wing concepts of nature and the environment. Many of these subcultural spaces are in turn populated with people who may or may not agree with fascist thought but are exposed to it and the accompanying propaganda.

Coming from the other direction, some environmentalists, embracing anti-humanist and misanthropic positions have lurched rightwards. The overpopulation myth, racist ideas of culture and pollution devoid of social analysis, and a desire for an authoritarian government to fix environmental problems have led some to forge links with the right. Derrick Jensen, an American deep ecologist whose work was popular among eco-anarchist circles in the 2000s, is one notable example. Having embraced transphobia as a reaction against what he thought was unnatural, Jensen found himself unwelcome in radical left circles and kept moving rightward, having lately found himself producing work with outright fascists and genocidal antisemites such as CounterCurrents and Roscommon’s own Keith Woods. Conservative and reactionary thought is happy to use the binary of natural and unnatural to justify patriarchal and heteronormative positions and to attack feminist and queer movements for liberation. Some notable Green Party members in North America have become entangled with conspiracism and authoritarianism. A Canadian candidate named Monika Schaeffer produced Holocaust denial material and the Green Party candidate for Vice President in the 2016 election, Ajamu Baraka has embraced conspiracy theories in favour of Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad and spoken at a Duginist conference in Iran, showing a tendency for some greens to embrace the anti-imperialism of idiots and to move towards fascism instead of away from it. With the recent experiences of the pandemic and the associated paranoia and misinformation, anti-vaccine groups and macho fitness freaks have come to be seen as adjacent to right wing culture. They continue to make inroads into left and liberal spaces, attracting contrarians and providing seductively easy answers to difficult questions.

In the 1920s and 30s, fascism was a new idea, harnessing the potential of the state to promise benefits to its citizens, while simultaneously narrowing the definition of who deserved to be considered a citizen and inflicting horrific violence on those that failed to mount the ever-increasing hurdles to inclusion. A romantic attachment to the land and a belief in a mystical, rural past are often present in fascist ideologies and these are not incompatible with many environmental movements. What can set them apart from a more social and compassionate environmentalism, is the ability and desire to harness environmental protection as a weapon to inflict pain and hatred on perceived enemies – typically the migrant, the queer, the leftist, the feminist – and to blame them for the environmental degradation, and the perceived degeneration of traditional society, that has been carried out by capitalist economies. These fascist motivations are deeply irrational and driven by emotion, and they can find common cause with anti-science, anti-tech, mystical, and anti-humanist trends often present in the broader environmental movement. Conspiracy theories such as, ‘the government is spraying us all with mystery chemicals from aeroplanes’, ‘fluoride in the drinking water is used to keep people docile’ and ‘5G causes brain cancer’ might provide cheap laughs for most people but they provide strategic crossover points for left and right and spread conspiracist thought into environmental movements, which in turn debases critical thought and action from environmentalists.

While there is a much larger climate change denying cohort among the right that seeks to stymie any attempt at reducing carbon emissions or limiting damage from industrial or agricultural practices, parts of the right have accepted the reality of climate change, and this is only likely to increase in size and volume. As the predictions of climate collapse are becoming increasingly real, the far-right reaction is to blame and scapegoat a targeted minority as a solution to the problems. This may justify state or paramilitary violence against those being blamed for the consequences of carbon emissions from industrialised countries. Another aspect of right wing conspiracism is the personification of opaque economic systems onto identifiable social groups and this is a key aspect of fascist organising. It replaces ‘banking’ with ‘bankers, ‘globalization’ with ‘globalists’ and offers easy, and wrong, answers to social problems. A likely increase in aggression towards people seeking safety from war, famine and uninhabitable locations might manifest itself in increasing agitation for closed borders, deportations and worse. Immigration could be cast as a threat to local or national environments and strict border controls proposed as a solution. Immigrants can be cast as incapable of caring about their new environment, either due to ‘not belonging’ or being from an inferior culture. The scapegoating of immigrants from the global south as being guilty of environmental degradation deliberately confuses cause and effect. The centring of immigrants in discussions about the environment, shifts the focus from the centres of (over) consumption onto the areas where environmental harm has been greatest, obfuscating the history of European colonialism and entrenching racist border policies enforced by Frontex and other militarised agencies. This selective use of environmentalism can greenwash far right parties and serve as a justification for the cruelty and violence enacted by the state and others towards non-white and non-Christian people, which is the ultimate point of far-right politics.

Ireland

It's not hard to see how far right actors can make inroads into local environmental or single-issue campaigns. A small campaign struggling against the PR machine and governmental support of, let’s say a multinational mining corporation, might find itself approached by someone claiming to support the cause and offering to do some publicity work for free. A decent camera and a sizable social media following might kickstart the campaign into the national consciousness. If the offer comes from a ‘citizen journalist’ with extensive links to the far right and a history of promoting racism and other reactionary ideals, the tempting offer comes with a lot of baggage that could very quickly cause serious damage to a campaign that knowingly or unknowingly works with such a character. This is not a theoretical situation. For the last number of years this has happened repeatedly with various campaigns, to some extent. Farming, fishing, forestry, housing, healthcare and environmental campaigns have all been approached and targeted by far-right activists intent on growing their own audience and reach through association with groups outside their immediate orbit. Justifiable anger at government policy or economic hardship are used as starting points to offer support, with the aim being to proselytise to new recruits, grow far right presence and ideas, and channel energy into blaming and attacking minorities.

An online magazine called Meon appeared a few years ago. The journal bills itself as predominantly concerned with Irish environmental issues such as forestry, data centres and the like. It is almost solely promoted by fascist propagandists Keith Woods and The Burkean who seem likely to be connected to the publication. Ireland’s biggest online fascist and Nazi fan boy, Keith Woods (or O’Brien) has attracted a significant online following and is considered a protégé of Richard Spencer and moves in high profile far-right US circles alongside Nick Fuentes.

A social media channel set up to discuss sustainability, permaculture and low-tech solutions to rural living called Off Grid Ireland has become one of the main channels for fascist propaganda. The group now regularly hosts far-right content such as neo-Nazi activists from Patriotic Alternative advising on how best to drive refugees out of the community.

The use of outdoor activity to generate social bonding along with respect for Ireland’s environment and developing toughness for the race wars to come has been adopted by several far-right groups including the National Party and its Philip Dwyer led spin off Men’s Hikes. Small groups of fit young men might take the opportunity to fly a banner at the top of a mountain for propaganda purposes or pretend that they are in the army on a forced march in training for combat.

Rise Up Eireann is a group mostly run by a woman in Kerry which has managed to attract a sizable enough following among a more hippy oriented crowd. The group claimed responsibility for some large anti-covid protests including one that attracted several thousand and turned violent at St. Stephen’s Green. Confusion and resentment among anti-vaxxers during the pandemic was used to introduce reams of material on other contrarian talking points to followers, forming part of a firehose of online misinformation. The social media feed is a laundry list of conspiracies including more benign stuff like chemtrails and UFOs alongside a stream of homophobic, transphobic, anti-feminist, antisemitic and racist nonsense and shares more traditional far right content to followers. This is all adorned with flowery earth mama back to the land imagery and language. The woman behind the group has recently been active in queerphobic protests targeting libraries. Looking at an event put on in Galway is indicative of her politics, as anyone familiar with the far right in Ireland will recognise the list of speakers as being a who’s who of far right and fascist activists. The same group organises small underground music festivals. The politics are kept off the posters so as not to attract too much negative attention, and probably plenty of people might go looking for a fun weekend of music and camping, but the festivals are being promoted in the same Off-Grid channel that has put a lot of energy into introducing Irish anti-migrant protesters to British neo-Nazis.

Another example of reactionary ecology in Ireland was a recent attempt at a ‘festival of ideas’ in Westmeath. The event billed itself as a sustainability festival offering a family friendly atmosphere with music and talks. A blurb stated ‘We are bringing people together including small suppliers, producers and independent farmers… to build strong, resilient communities.’ The organisers have been at the centre of ongoing attacks on sex education and literature in the last few months targeting libraries, bookshops and schools. The social media channels are a mixture of organic food, transphobia, sustainability and paranoid conspiracies which are happily supported by many other far right channels.

There is a new group called the Farmer’s Alliance which has just proposed to set up a political party. While this group comes more into the science denial category of right wing activism, I think it’s worth mentioning as they will be trying to attract support in rural areas based on grievances, both legitimate and manufactured, with regards to governmental regulations and corporate exploitation. The group is directly inspired by the BBB farmer’s movement in the Netherlands, which has in a very short space of time managed to have a big impact on Dutch politics. BBB are probably more of a populist right than a far right party, and drew its base of support from opposition to farming regulations designed to reduce water pollution, which is very topical here. The founder of the BBB is half-Irish and has come over here to help assist the setting up of the Farmer’s Alliance. Farmer’s Alliance is already drawing support from established members of the Irish far-right and could easily gather a few independent TDs into their ranks.

Conclusion

The ever-increasing climate collapse will bring larger and larger social issues with it. The eroding of the networks that sustain modern western lifestyles will be seen by the far-right as an existential threat as will the likely mass migration. This will increasingly be met with extreme violence, cheered on and supported by the far right, which brings up the possibility of alliances with centrist and conservative governments desperate to cling on to power. The tendency of some in the environmental movement to embrace authoritarianism as a solution to social crises, married to attempts by existing powers to remain in control, all point towards an increasing relevance of ecofascism and reactionary ecology in the near future.

It would be very misleading to say that the far right are a significant presence in environmental campaigns but there are numerous examples of far-right tendencies appearing in Irish spaces, both online and in real life, adjacent to, interacting with or becoming part of environmental and community activism. While the scale or reach of such ideas should not be overblown, it forms part of an accelerating trend that seems likely to increase in the near future given the unresolvable problems of capitalism and the environment. The danger that these tendencies pose works in two distinct ways.

The first is the danger of further normalising hateful far-right rhetoric and actors. Allowing the far right to be a part of a community project grants them a seat at the table to present themselves as belonging to the community and deserving to have their views listened to, giving them a position to strengthen their groups and embolden action against minorities, which is almost entirely what the fascist project is ultimately about.

The second is that allowing far right actors into groups spreads hatred, division and paranoia among the community, damages relationships and leads to conflict and irreparable harm among members. Any activist or community organisation that allows openly far right members to participate in events will quickly become known as untrustworthy and support will likely dwindle. This is probably one of the key points I want to make. The inclusion of hateful members directly leads to the exclusion of others who are targeted by their behaviour. Inviting fascists, racists and queerphobes into the ranks of an organisation is not a winning formula to gain more support.

To reiterate an important point that may be taken up wrongly by some people. In terms of some of the ways that I have pointed out that fascists can gain entry into other spaces such as through emotional responses to environmental damage, spiritual connections to land etc., I don’t see any of these approaches as being essentially fascist, what I see them as is a common ground that can be used to build bridges, and people who engage in such practices need to be conscious of this and work to make sure those bridges don’t allow hate groups to spread their messages. Fascism relies on appeals to emotion. It doesn’t have any real solutions to social problems. There is no end to the hatred in people who have succumbed to the logic of fascism. Without a specific target to focus on, fascists need to invent one to fulfil the role of the traitor who must be driven out to purify the group. Fascism is a revolutionary ideology that purports to upend the status quo through any means necessary and has a core process of strategically appropriating various issues to further its goals. It is not merely enough to assume that one’s left wing or liberal credentials are sufficient to prevent a fascist creep in environmental circles nor entryism from the far-right, it must be actively resisted.

References

Bhatia Rajani (2004) ‘Green or Brown? White Nativist Environmental Movements’ in Ferber, Abby. L (ed.) Home Grown Hate – Gender and Organized Violence. London: Routledge pp 195-214

Biehl, Janet and Staudenmaier, Peter (2011) Ecofascism Revisited: Lessons from the German Experience Porsgrunn: New Compass Press (originally published by AK Press, 1995)

Campion, Kristy (2021) Defining Ecofascism: Historical Foundations and Contemporary Interpretations in the Extreme Right, Terrorism and Political Violence Vol. 33 No. 8

Dyett, Jordan & Thomas, Cassidy (2019) Overpopulation Discourse: Patriarchy, Racism, and the Specter of Ecofascism Perspectives on Global Development and Technology 18 (2019) 205-224

Jones, Reece (2022) White Borders – The History of Race and Immigration in the United States from Chinese Exclusion to the Border Wall Boston: Beacon Press

Margulies, Morgan (2021) Eco-Nationalism Consilience, 2021, No. 23 (2021), pp. 22-29

Milman, Oliver (2021) Right-Wing Climate Denial Is Being Replaced—by Nativism Mother Jones

Moore, Sam and Roberts, Alex (2022) The Rise of Ecofascism: Climate Change and the Far Right Cambridge: Polity

Ross, Alexander Reid and Bevensee, Emmi (2020) Confronting the Rise of Eco-Fascism Means Grappling with Complex Systems. CARR Research Insight 2020.3. London, UK: Centre for Analysis of the Radical Right.

Staudenmaier, Peter (2021) Ecology Contested Porsgrunn: New Compass Press

Turner, Joe & Bailey, Dan (2022) ‘Ecobordering’: Casting Immigration Control as Environmental Protection, Environmental Politics, 31:1, 110-131

Zegers, Peter (2002) The Dark Side of Political Ecology Communalism: International Journal for a Rational Society

Zimmerman, Michael E., The Threat of Ecofascism Social Theory and Practice , Summer 1995, Vol. 21, No. 2, Special Issue: The Environmental Challenge to Social and Political Philosophy (Summer 1995), pp. 207-238

Mike McLaughlin and the British Movement

Michael McLaughlin aka Michael (or Mike) Walsh was born in Liverpool to two Irish socialist republican parents. His father was Paddy Roe McLaughlin, an IRA man from Donegal who fought in the War of Independence and on the anti-treaty side in Civil War. Later Paddy volunteered with the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War with the Connolly Column. Michael’s mother Kathleen Walsh was a friend of La Pasionara (at least according to McLaughlin himself) and had been engaged to Belfast man Liam Tumilson before his death at Jarama during the Spanish Civil War fighting alongside Paddy Roe. Kathleen had been jailed briefly for her antifascist activities in Liverpool during a riotous demonstration in 1937 where Oswald Mosley was hit in the head with a stone. After the Spanish Civil War, the couple settled in Liverpool and became members of the Communist Party of Great Britain. Their son followed their path into revolutionary politics, although his ideology could not have been more different. Michael became a merchant seaman and travelled the world in his twenties developing a fondness for brawling.

McLaughlin was an early member of the British Movement in 1968, a successor to Colin Jordan’s National Socialist Movement. Jordan wound up the NSM due in part to the passing of the Race Relations Act, and the NSM membership passed into the new group which took off their uniforms in a bid to stay legal, but kept the use of the swastika and the open support for Hitler and the Nazis. During his time as the BM Merseyside organiser McLaughlin was convicted of interfering with an election and inciting racial hatred for distributing antisemitic stickers targeting a Jewish MP. The stickers had been printed with McLaughlin’s home address on the bottom.

In 1976 McLaughlin took over from Colin Jordan as leader of the BM after Jordan was caught shoplifting two pairs of bright red women’s underwear from a Tesco supermarket in Coventry. It was an ignominious end to the political life of the World Führer and he stepped aside to allow McLaughlin to take charge. McLaughlin was an uncharismatic leader but a successful organiser and succeeded in growing its membership quickly, claiming about 4,000 at its peak. Following the National Front’s disastrous 1979 general election when Margaret Thatcher stole their ideas and their voters, the NF split into several competing groups and lost its way as an electioneering force. The BM stepped into the breach and mopped up many of the members.

McLaughlin rejected Jordan’s pseudoscientific racialist ideas and promoted a baser overt racist rhetoric which swelled its ranks with racist skinheads and positioned the BM as a defender of the white working class. The BM recruited on marginalised council estates and managed to harness a widespread sense of hopelessness among the youth into violent street gangs that made up a large part of their supporters. The BM developed a reputation for extreme violence against people of colour, and attacks on families and businesses were frequent during this period as the early 80’s gained a reputation for racist violence and brawls between BM supporters and their targets. One of the most notorious BM members at the time was Kent organiser Nicky Crane, the literal poster boy for fascist skinheads after his snarling face had been used for a compilation album called Strength through Oi!. Crane repeatedly led gangs on racist rampages through London, including a 200 strong mob who attacked Brick Lane in 1979, and would go on to act as head of security for the band Skrewdriver. Unknown to McLaughlin, one of his main lieutenants, Ray Hill who was organiser for the Midlands was secretly working to destroy the group. Hill had been a follower of Jordan in the 60s and helped organise the Leicester branch when the BM was first set up, before emigrating to South Africa in 1970. He returned in 1981 having had a change of heart, and began leaking information to the antifascist newspaper Searchlight. Hill orchestrated a major split in the BM in 1983, causing McLaughlin to spend a large sum on legal fees and the group folded soon after.

After McLaughlin’s disbanding of the BM, many members refused to accept the loss of the group and continued using the name, reforming under the leadership od Stephen Frost from Yorkshire. The new BM also formed another adjacent group called the British National Socialist Movement (BNSM) which acted as an underground wing. BNSM members forged links with loyalist paramilitaries and some joined English units of the UDA. BNSM members went on to become a core part of Combat 18 during the 1990’s, a group that committed hundreds of violent assaults on political opponents and ethnic minorities during that decade. The BM has proven surprisingly resilient and still maintains a presence in the British far-right today, with a couple of hundred members estimated to be in the ranks.

After his disbanding of the BM, McLaughlin ran an army surplus store in Chester for many years. His autobiography recalls fondly a trip to Dachau where he convinces himself it couldn’t have been a death camp, and a pilgrimage to the Hitler’s Eagles Nest home in Bavaria. Homages are paid to international comrades such as David Duke and Ernst Zundel. By the 2000’s McLaughlin had become a prolific author using the name Michael Walsh and wrote a number of books including such titles as Heroes of the Reich, The Martyrdom of William Joyce and The Holy Book of Adolf Hitler. Many of the books were published by Historical Review Press run by Anthony Hancock. Hancock was a National Front and League of Saint George member who published widely for various far-right groups including Combat 18, NF and BNP. The HRP published a range of Holocaust denial literature including the influential Did Six Million Really Die?, worked with David Irving and had extensive connections to Germany where he distributed large volumes of revisionist material. McLaughlin also contributed to Final Conflict, the magazine of the International Third Position as part of their Black Books series. He developed strong connections to CEDADE, a Spanish fascist party and now lives in Spain where he writes and contributes to media to this day.

References:

Duddy, Gerard (2006) Paddy Roe McLaughlin – Donegal and the SCW, Inish Times November 1 2006

Goodrich-Clark, Nicholas (2003) Black Sun – Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism and the Politics of Identity New York: New York University Press

Hill, Ray (1988) The Other face of Terror – Inside Europe’s Neo-Nazi Network London: Grafton Books

Macklin, Graham (2020) Failed Führers London: Routledge

McLaughlin Walsh, Michael (2017) The Rise of the Sunwheel Lulu Press

Nazi Germany is typically seen as a monolithic ethnic entity that attempted to destroy any minorities within its borders as part of its genocidal death drive. The realities of attempting to fight a multi-front war, sometimes with conflicting aims, led to some alliances which were less obvious than an initial understanding of a German invasion might suggest. As part of the attempted takeover of Europe by the Nazi Third Reich, minority ethnicities in rival powerful countries were frequently targeted with propaganda declaring German support for greater autonomy for ethnic minorities, trying to collaborate with far right nationalist movements where possible. This tactic used often legitimate grievances against states such as France, Belgium or the USSR to undermine solidarity and weaken the defence against the German invasion. The resulting consequences were often disastrous for the national liberation movements as they came to be associated with the Nazis as collaborators and often faced severe repression once the war was over. This was a pattern that appeared in several places, notably Brittany, Flanders and Ukraine and to some extent Ireland. Following the war, as the collaborators were targeted for reprisals from the liberated areas, many fled, and Ireland became a destination of choice for several notable groups.

Perhaps the most influential of the groups of people who fled Europe after the war were the Bretons, about twenty of whom settled in Ireland. Breton nationalism had been greatly inspired by Irish nationalist struggles and histories, and a vision of pan-Celtic comradeship led many of them to believe Ireland could provide a warm welcome. Breton attempts to gain autonomy from French control had long been hampered by Paris governments, with repressive action being taken against cultural and political movements engendering mutual hostility and suspicion. Following the invasion by Germany in June 1940, the movement split with some adopting a neutralist stance, ambivalent about the fate of a repressive French state, while some chose to collaborate with the Germans, believing co-operation with the invaders might lead to more autonomy.

A young militant named Célestin Lainé (or Neven Hénaff) and Hervé ’Bob’ Helloco had set up a group called Gwenn-ha-Du (White and Black) in 1930 and published a manifesto called Irlande et Prusse, nos deux bases (Ireland and Prussia: Our Two Bases) which proposed a model for Breton nationalist movement – the revolutionary aims of Fenianism combined with the authoritarianism of Prussian militarism. They also began to draw on the successful fascist movements taking hold across Europe. Louis Le Roux, a prominent Breton nationalist leader had Irish links which influenced the direction of the movement. Le Roux had helped form the Breton Nationalist Party (PNB) in 1911 but had left France and travelled to Ireland during the First World War where he enlisted in the British Army. Serving in Ireland from June 1916 to September 1917 he became acquainted with Irish nationalism and published one of the first biographies of Pádraig Pearse in 1932 which had a significant impact on the Breton nationalist movement. Dan Breen’s book My Fight For Irish Freedom had been translated into French by Helloco, the Gwenn-ha-Du chief of operations, who was involved in gun running in 1938 in an operation named ‘Casement’. The Fenian maxim that Britain’s difficulty was Ireland’s opportunity was adopted into a French/Breton context and links were established between the cultural movements of the various Celtic regions and also with Flemish and Alsacian nationalist groups.

Lainé, who had studied chemistry and Irish at the Sorbonne, and the Gwenn-ha-Du group began a bombing campaign against symbols of French occupation. Lainé drifted towards the more esoteric end of Nazism, indulging in pan-Celtic and Nordic paganism and celebrating the German-Celtic-Nordic races as superior to the Mediterranean Latins. Several paramilitary groups were set up including Kadervenn, Lu Brezon, Service Spécial and Bagadou Stourm modelled on the IRA. Arms and assistance was acquired from Nazi Germany before the war and by the time of the invasion the groups were well placed to assist the German occupation. The Breton nationalist movement, already struggling with a generational divide amid questions of militancy, split on the issue of collaboration and Lainé and others were incorporated into the occupation machinery. 1943 saw the creation of another paramilitary group called Bezen Kadoudal which in 1944 was renamed Bezen Perrot and incorporated into the Waffen SS as Bretonische Waffenverbande der SS ‘Bezen Perrot’. It contained about 80 Breton nationalists willing to ally themselves with German occupation to attempt to further their cause of independence.

Bezen Perrot members engaged in fighting with communist aligned Résistance groups and acted in concert with occupying forces, rounding up Jews, guarding prisoners, and using their knowledge of the Breton language to disrupt resistance efforts. Many Bretons took part in resistance efforts, pitting the collaborating nationalists against Bretons fighting an occupying foreign power. This collaboration resulted in predictable brutality and mass killings, including at least three large scale massacres in Breton villages and numerous murders of captured prisoners during the six months the group was active in France. Bezen Perrot members retreated eastwards in the face of the advancing Allied forces following D-Day, trying to avoid repercussions for their activities. In the aftermath of the war, 27 Breton nationalists were executed following French tribunals for collaboration and Lainé himself was sentenced to death in absentia. After the war the French state used the collaboration of Bezen Perrot as a reason to repress the Breton nationalist movement in its entirety.

In December 1947, Lainé and another Bezen Perrot member Louis Feutren landed in Ireland to be followed by several more Bezen members in dribs and drabs. Breton nationalists had long been inspired by the Irish struggle for independence. Lainé changed his name to his Breton version, Neven Hénaff, and himself and Feutren settled in Galway, while others found homes on the east coast. Another leading member of the Bezen Perrot, Alan Heusaff, also sentenced to death in absentia, arrived in Galway in 1950. Lainé/Hénaff remained unrepentant following the revelations of the extent of the Holocaust. George Broderick recalls a 1975 meeting in Dublin where Hénaff said:

Hitler was the best thing that happened to the Breton Movement (his actual words). He added they were in no doubt they had done the right thing in co-operating with the Germans.

Lainé /Hénaff lived in Ireland until his death in 1983, and Heusaff likewise until he died in 1999. The Irish state offered little direct assistance at the time of their arrival but was willing to accommodate the fugitives if they kept their heads down. However individual help was forthcoming from some prominent Irish citizens. Frank Gallagher, a journalist and IRA member active during the War of Independence, was one of the first points of contact for the Bretons and later sponsored Lainé/Hénaff for citizenship. Gallagher was a confidant of Eamon DeValera and served as the Director of the Government Information Bureau 1939-48 and 1951-54.

Louis Feutren, who had acted as internal security for the Bezen Perrot, moved to Dublin where he was employed as a French teacher at the prestigious St. Conleth’s Secondary School in Ballsbridge between 1956 and 1985. One of his students was the Argentinian writer Uki Goñi, son of a diplomat assigned to Dublin. Goñi has written extensively about the international ratlines that allowed Nazi war criminals such as SS Oberscharführer Feutren to escape justice. Feutren’s students recall a sadistic violent man prone to physical and mental abuse of his students during his decades long tenure at the school. Even by the brutal corporal punishment standards in Irish schools at the time, Feutren stood out as a sadist, beating and burning students with impunity. The school was well aware of Feutren’s SS past and his death sentence passed by the French courts. A past student, poet Mark Granier wrote about him:

Now he has lost patience and swoops to wrench some slowcoach from his desk. I am in his sights and will be next. Because of (or despite) whatever he fled, he teaches excellent French

Another Breton nationalist of note was Leon Mill-Arden who lived in Killarney and Dublin from the early 1930’s. Mill-Arden was considered the principal early contact between the IRA and the German Abwehr and was routinely surveilled by intelligence units. Mill-Arden’s application for citizenship was later sponsored by the Ceann Comhairle Frank Fahy. Many of the Bretons based in Ireland became involved in political activities in later years, active in both Breton and Irish causes and a newsletter for Breton exiles Argouad appeared in the 1950s.

Yann Goulet, a sculptor and cultural nationalist had led another collaborationist paramilitary group named Bagadou Stourm which was also taken under the wing of the SS. Goulet was, like the others, sentenced to death in absentia by a French court for his wartime activities. Goulet settled in Bray and continued to advocate for Breton independence, publishing propaganda for the paramilitary Front de la Liberation de la Bretagne in the 1960’s. Goulet went on to have a prolific artistic career in Ireland, was commissioned to create several significant public monuments and gained a professorship at the Royal Hibernian Academy. He was rewarded for his artistic contributions and made a member of Aos Dána, in 1982 and died in 1999.

Goulet and Heusaff (who had been badly injured in fighting after D-Day) were both active in the Celtic League. Heusaff and yet another Breton nationalist sentenced to death for collaboration, Yann Fouéré, were among the founders of the League. Fouéré had been a member of the Breton council that co-ordinated with the Vichy regime, fled France after the war, and received Irish citizenship with the assistance of future president Cearbhall Ó’Dálaigh in the early 1950’s. One of his principal ideas, Europe of 100 flags, (L'Europe aux Cent Drapeaux, 1968), proposed a European federation of small ethnostates and has been widely adopted by the Identitarian movement.

The Celtic cultural connections along with Ireland’s wartime neutrality and proximity led the island to become a place of safety and sanctuary for many Bretons who had served in military forces with the SS that had carried out atrocities and war crimes. They hid in plain sight, unmolested by any ideas of international justice and several became respected and lauded members of society, sheltered and protected by Irish politicians willing to ignore their crimes.

References

Broderick, George (2020) Alan Heusaff and Bezen Perrot Univeristät Mannheim

Fanning, Bryan (2016) Jewish, Catholic and Collaborator Refugees in Ireland, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review , Autumn 2016

Grydgren, Jens (ed.), (2018) The Oxford Handbook of the Radical Right New York: Oxford University Press

Leach, Daniel (2007) Irish Post-War Asylum: Nazi Sympathy, Pan-Celticism or Raisons d'Etat? History Ireland Volume 15, Issue 3 May-Jun, 2007

Leach, Daniel (2008) Bezen Perrot: The Breton nationalist unit of the SS, 1943-5 e-Keltoi Volume 4: 1-38 Nationalism

Leach, Daniel (2009) Fugitive Ireland – European Minority Nationalists and Irish Political Asylum 1937-2008 Dublin: Four Courts Press

O'Callaghan, Michael and Christopher, John (1982) Separatism in Brittany, Durham theses, Durham University

Yann Goulet Obituary, The Guardian, 6 September 1999

Yann Fouéré Obituary, Irish Times, 29 October 2011

Uki Goñi on Feutren https://twitter.com/ukigoni/status/1584512261925654528

Mark Granier, former St. Conleth’s pupil on Feutren http://markgranier.blogspot.com/2011/12/french-teacher.html

Father Charles Coughlin – the voice of Irish-American hatred

Father Charles Coughlin’s family connections to Ireland were somewhat distant, his great-grandfather had moved to the USA in the 1820’s, finding work with the gangs of navigators building the Erie Canal. Coughlin himself was born in Ontario in 1891, the son of a sexton, Thomas Coughlin, at St. Mary’s Cathedral in Kingston. Thomas’s wife, Amelia Mahoney, a seamstress, was the daughter of Irish immigrants, and the two met after Thomas had landed in Ontario from his job on a Great Lakes steamboat for a spell in a hospital. Coughlin was a strong student, steeped in Irish American Catholicism and after completing a degree at the University of Toronto, he joined a seminary run by the Basilian Fathers, an order imbued in the new spirit of social activism that was being encouraged from Rome. Coughlin completed his studies and became a priest, ordained in 1916. He gained a reputation for public speaking and worked as a teacher of psychology, English and logic for several years in Windsor and Detroit before taking up a position in St. Leo’s Cathedral in Detroit.

After impressing the bishop, Michael Gallagher, with his sermons and his work at several short-term postings, Coughlin was rewarded with a special task in the new Detroit suburb of Royal Oak, Michigan. Arriving in 1926, Coughlin oversaw the building of a large new church dedicated to Saint Thérèse of Liseux, the Little Flower. The church was much larger than the local congregation could support, so Coughlin fundraised in inventive ways, including radio broadcasts, to raise money for the building costs. The Ku Klux Klan were active in the area and hostile to Catholics and Coughlin later recalled being targeted by them during this period but no corroborating accounts of this have been found.

Coughlin formed lucrative friendships with wealthy businessmen in Detroit, perhaps most importantly with George A. ‘Dick’ Richards, owner of a radio station called WJR (part of the CBS network) along with a car dealership, the Detroit Lions football team and other interests. Richards used his radio stations to promote his right-wing and antisemitic views and Coughlin fit in perfectly to these requirements. Coughlin’s friend Leo Fitzpatrick was the manager at the station and gave Coughlin his break into broadcasting. In October 1926, Coughlin began broadcasting his Golden Hour show live from the pulpit of the church in Royal Oak. Coughlin broadcast Catholic masses and sermons and the flat plains of the Midwest ensured his show reached far and wide. He had a talent for drawing his audience in with his oratory and mastered the art of radio quickly, breaking through the Catholic audience and resonating with Protestant audiences too. Prior to the stock market crash of 1929 Coughlin kept to religious matters but afterwards he entered into the field of politics and public influence. By 1931 these topics had already earned a rebuke from CBS who warned him to tone down his broadcasts. He responded defiantly and his show became one of the first ‘free speech’ controversies in radio. His show was dropped by CBS but he quickly built up a network of stations happy to broadcast a wildly successful show. Coughlin pioneered the new fields of televangelism and political talk radio to what would become millions of weekly listeners. At his height, up to 30 million tuned in, making him by far the largest radio personality in the world, and possibly the most influential person outside of government officials in the US during the Depression years.

Coughlin went on the attack against Herbert Hoover and his administration for their handling of the economic crisis and was rewarded with a massive outpouring of support. Eighty thousand letters a week regularly came to the church and after one sermon in 1932 over a million letters were sent to support Coughlin. Donations flooded in, making Coughlin wealthy and powerful. By 1936 he had replaced the wooden church with an even larger marble building and a huge carved stone tower with a broadcasting studio. The church became a major tourist attraction, replete with tacky souvenir shops, and a gas station.

Coughlin’s sermons were politically charged and railed against the modern world, its corruption by mysterious wealthy forces and the dangers of radical social movements. The stock market crash of 1929 precipitated a drop in living standards for most Americans. Part of Coughlin’s strategy was to provide simple choices to his audience such as ‘Christ or chaos’ and to make his attacks personal, naming bankers and politicians instead of large impersonal systems of commerce and power. Coughlin provided answers and scapegoats to his audience to explain the unprecedented economic conditions, while simultaneously profiting hugely from stock investments and manipulation. He used his secretaries to set up a series of dummy corporations and non-profits to keep his business dealings separate from church funds. One of his scams was to secretly buy over fourteen tonnes of silver, then promote silver investing to his listeners and reap the profits from a pump and dump scheme. His targets were many but fell into two broad, and predictable, groups – left wing activists and predatory international financiers. To Coughlin, both groups were attempting to destroy the fabric of traditional families and communities and had to be stopped at all costs. Attacks on communists took a coded antisemitic direction, and the stock market crash was blamed on the ideas of ‘Karl Marx, a Hebrew’. Grand international conspiracies linking the crash, the rise of left wing movements and the League of Nations were teased out on the airwaves and proved immensely popular. By 1931 the radio show was employing nearly one hundred people, and at its height approximately one quarter of Americans were listening to the weekly broadcast. The scale of Coughlin’s media reach was unprecedented and has rarely been replicated since. This volume of listeners soon connected Coughlin to important advertisers and businessmen. Coughlin and Henry Ford would have a long-running acquaintance, with the two Detroit based Irish-American Catholics bonding over a shared hatred of Jewish people and leftists. Coughlin got involved in union busting at Ford plants, helping to set up a controlled union to rival the CIO, who Coughlin accused of being controlled by Jews. His targeted audience consisted of various groups – Irish, Italian, German and Polish Catholics in urban areas, mid-western farmers, and others who were at the sharp end of the brutal Depression era-economics. He successfully crafted groups of enemies to target their anger and revenge fantasies against – east coast elites, bankers and politicians with international connections, and portrayed his supporters as being justifiably ‘more American’ and therefore more righteous.

Coughlin threw his support behind FDR during the 1932 presidential campaign, even speaking at the Democratic Party Convention, and helping pen his inaugural speech. Roosevelt had adopted some of the same principles that drove the Catholic Action movement and others following Pope Pius XI’s encyclical of 1931, Quadragesimo Anno, which urged a path between unrestricted capitalism and socialist revolution. Coughlin and Roosevelt met frequently and appeared close, but the relationship soured after Roosevelt had entered the White House. Roosevelt’s administration was the first to contain several Jewish members in prominent positions such as former Supreme Court Justices Louis D. Brandeis and Felix Frankfurter among others. Feeling slighted, Coughlin set up his own political organisation in November 1934 called the National Union for Social Justice (NUSJ) whose platform might be described as populist and isolationist. At this point, Coughlin was willing to invite Jews into the organisation, something he would soon be unwilling to countenance following his political defeat in 1936. Coughlin installed himself firmly at the top of the group and his enormous popularity soon turned into political heft. A 1936 convention in Cleveland drew ten thousand rabid followers and had giant portraits of Coughlin adorning the hall. The attendees adopted a resolution to endorse everything Coughlin did, and when a lone delegate voted against a proposal, Coughlin had the man removed from the hall amid a chorus of jeers and insults. The NUSJ claimed up to five million members but this may have been closer to one million. The party railed against both main parties as servants of the ‘money-changers’ and ‘unseen rulers of the financial world’.

After the assassination of Huey Long in 1935, Coughlin was the main ‘outsider’ in the American political system. Teaming up with Long’s principal successor, a pastor named Gerald L.K. Smith and another populist leader named Dr. Francis E. Townsend, they founded the Union Party in 1935 which drew together various groups. Coughlin himself was unable to run as a candidate due to being a naturalized citizen and Congressman William Lemke from North Dakota was nominated for the ticket. The campaign attacked FDR repeatedly as a communist stooge and proposed a range of populist economic policies designed to facilitate the creation of ‘cheap money’. The party gained media attention but despite some impressively large rallies, failed to impact the election at the polls, gaining less than two per cent of the national votes, and the party floundered afterwards. Most of the party’s policies had been taken from the NUSJ program with additional contributions from the other factions. Townsend had made a name for himself in California campaigning for pensioners and Lemke represented disillusioned farmers in the mid-west and prairies. Lemke’s running mate was a NUSJ man from Boston, Thomas Charles O’Brien who was hand-picked by Coughlin. Coughlin’s campaign speeches for the party were littered with threats of violence as he assailed FDR and the New Deal, proclaiming the end of America at the hands of a communist cabal. Towards the end of the campaign he told one reporter:

“We are at the crossroads. One road leads towards fascism, the other towards Communism. I choose fascism.”

By the time the campaign had run its course, Coughlin had wound up on the wrong side of the church hierarchy who were embarrassed by his full-scale entry into national politics and made some efforts to rein him in. Coughlin disbanded the Union Party and made a half-hearted effort at retiring after the poor election results.

Coughlin’s remedies for the economic problems of the Depression changed from time to time, but his diagnosis of the problems always referred back to international bankers on Wall Street and in Europe and the politicians that supported them, describing them frequently as satanic and devil-like. Coughlin was interested in the economic ideas of the Social Credit movement and maintained contact with William ‘Bible Bill’ Aberhart who successfully led the Alberta Social Credit Party to government in Alberta between 1935 and 1943. Aberhart’s religious views were evangelical, and he had made his name as a preacher in the prairies during the 1920’s but he increasingly became interested in British Israelism later in life. Coughlin was also involved in a correspondence with Ezra Pound around this period with the poet offering him support for his fight against ‘the machinations of international bankers’. When Pound started his radio broadcasts in support of Mussolini during the war, he took Coughlin’s work as inspiration. Hilaire Belloc, a prominent Franco-English Catholic writer and noted antisemite was another associate of Coughlin. Belloc had written a book in 1922 called The Jews which pondered ‘the Jewish Question’ and argued that Jews were a separate race, incapable of assimilation into European societies. He was invited to write a weekly column for Coughlin’s paper, Social Justice, which had weekly sales of over a million copies. Coughlin was also acquainted with GK Chesterton, a close associate of Belloc who shared many of his antisemitic views and cast Jews as the main agitators in the destruction of western civilization. The two were leading figures in the British interwar literary scene and remain frequent sources for modern day Catholic antisemitism. Coughlin used an invented Jewish writer with the pen name of Ben Marcin to write some of the most antisemitic articles for Social Justice, and used this fictional accomplice to defend Coughlin and as a source to confirm the validity of the infamous and fictitious Protocols of the Elders of Zion.

After the first world war, antisemitism saw a dramatic rise in the US, corresponding with the second Ku Klux Klan and nascent fascist street movements and their propagandists. Many of these groups took the form of anti-communist activism, reacting to the events in Russia and ongoing labour struggles throughout the 20s and 30s. The anti-union material the groups produced led them to be funded by wealthy industrialists fearful of the growing labour movement. Detroit and Chicago were hotbeds for anti-communist groups and Coughlin was well placed to feed into this movement. Accusations of Jewish control of left wing groups was common practice. Coughlin’s sermons did not become overtly antisemitic until after the 1936 election but it is possible his views had merely become more public to reflect growing acceptance of race hatred and bigotry. Previously couched in the language of ‘international bankers’, usurers’, and references to Rothschilds and the Illuminati, more overtly antisemitic language became commonplace. It is also plausible that his defeat and exclusion from the two party system led him to see conspiracies against him and became more focused on imagined Jewish plots to stymie his ambitions. Two of the more influential characters in this line of thinking were Gertrude Coogan and Fr. Denis Fahey.

Coogan was a popular public speaker who wrote an antisemitic book regarding finance called The Money Creators published in 1935. The book, once again, blamed the Illuminati and the Rothschilds as part of invisible forces destroying the economy. Her ‘research’ included discovering Alexander Hamilton’s real surname was Levine and that the Rotschild’s had financed both sides of the American Revolution. Coogan became a financial advisor to Coughlin and also involved in the ‘Ham and Eggs’ pension movement in California. Coogan’s cousin, a priest, described her as ‘the most violent and hysterical Jew-hater I have ever known and said that she had indoctrinated Coughlin with her antisemitism.’ She ghost-wrote Coughlin’s own book on economics, Money! Questions and Answers but the pair fell out when Coughlin refused to share the profits from its sales or even cover expenses. Coogan’s books and ideas have remained in circulation as part of the right wing anti-federal reserve milieu.

Coughlin discovered Denis Fahey’s writings around 1936 and seized upon them as important intellectual and theological proof of antisemitic theories. He reprinted several pages of Fahey’s The Mystical Body of Christ in the Modern World in both Social Justice and the transcripts of his radio speeches and praised him as ‘one of the most outstanding scholars in Ireland’. Fahey was the only writer beside Coughlin himself to receive such praise and promotion in the pages of the paper. Whole columns of Coughlin’s writings were given over to reproducing Fahey’s writings and quotations were plentiful through the pages of Social Justice, and Coughlin came to rely on Fahey’s work to a large degree. Fahey’s work and its influence on Coughlin should not be understated. His intellectual credibility, having earned two doctorates and been appointed as a leading professor of theology in Ireland lent huge weight to his theories of Supernaturalism and the depiction of Jews as literal devils intent on destroying God’s work on Earth. Fahey’s writings seem to have supercharged Coughlin’s hatred for Jews and his rhetoric took a notable turn for the worse after he had read Fahey’s books. The two enjoyed a lengthy correspondence.

As tensions grew in Europe, Coughlin’s antisemitism became more and more pronounced, tied up with the idea that Jewish bankers were promoting conflict. By July 1938 Coughlin was even printing his own version of the Protocols, churning out the material over an extended period, following in Henry Ford’s footsteps. Indeed, the same man, a German-American Nazi supporter named Ernest Liebold employed by Ford to investigate the Protocols may have provided material for both versions. Following Kristallnacht in November 1938, which generated a great deal of coverage in the US, Coughlin went on the attack, defending the Nazi position. He blamed Jews for being aggressive and dominating media outlets, and promoted the idea that Jews were responsible for German humiliation through the Treaty of Versailles. Some of Coughlin’s claims were word for word repetitions of nazi Ministry of Propaganda statements. He further described Nazism as a defence against Russian Communism that was dominated by Jewish people intent on destroying western Europe. Coughlin tended to couch his antisemitism in terms of dividing between ‘good Jews’ who were religiously observant and apolitical, and ‘bad Jews’ who were secular and politically involved.

His show the following week was cancelled by WMCA radio station in New York for promoting religious hatred, and Coughlin became a cause célèbre in Nazi Germany where commentators accused ‘Jewish controlled media’ of censoring the truth. In response to the cancellation a crowd of thousands picketed the radio station in Manhattan chanting ‘Down with Jews!’ and other antisemitic slogans. The protests continued as weekly gatherings, sometimes targeting Jewish businesses that advertised on the radio station. Copies of Social Justice were sold and passers-by assumed to be Jewish were insulted and sometimes assaulted by the protesters. One witness described the end of one of the protests:

“The mob crowds into the subway, along with the Social Justice salesman, and heads for Times Square. They run up and down the subway cars insulting any passenger who looks at all Jewish, and create a considerable amount of terror.”

Counter-protesters began showing up and disorder and fistfights became commonplace. This period saw the formation of the Christian Front groups from the ranks of Coughlin’s supporters. Irish and German-American neighbourhoods were prime targets for recruitment and members were involved in street brawls in New York, Boston and elsewhere. In January 1940 thirteen members of the Brooklyn group were arrested and charged with an ambitious plan to initiate terrorist attacks and overthrow the government, information passed on to the FBI by on an informant, but the prosecution failed to garner convictions at the subsequent trial. Another tactic of Coughlin’s was the formation of the Social Justice Unit of the National Legion of Mothers, set up in 1939 to gather women into protest groups who performed public stunts to try and pressure politicians to advocate against intervention on behalf of ‘our boys’.

Following the Kristallnacht broadcast, Coughlin claimed he had taken his information for the Jewish involvement in the Bolshevik revolution from Fr. Denis Fahey. Coughlin’s broadcasts after this period often concentrated on blaming Jews for trying to involve the US in a European conflict for selfish reasons of self-preservation and profiteering. The comments were predictably stereotypical such as describing Jews as a ‘certain class which has persisted in making a den of thieves of this world by exploiting the masses of every nation’ or involved ‘naming the Jew’, listing prominent Jewish business people and exaggerating their power. His admiration for Coughlin was clear in the prominence he gave to this book The Mystical Body of Christ in the Modern World displayed prominently at the gift shop in Royal Oak, and glowingly promoted by Coughlin who saw his chance to make some money selling Fahey to his followers:

“It is because I am so anxious that my listeners will not be deceived that I am making it a point to urge them to supplement the broadcasts by reading The Mystical Body of Christ in the Modern World by Rev. Denis Fahey. For the convenience of those who desire to possess this most valuable book, I have arranged for a limited quantity to be shipped to me from abroad. This volume, beautifully bound, is priced at $2.50.”

Another letter stated:

“If I could afford it, I would gladly present you with a gift copy of two of Father Denis Fancy's works. Inasmuch as I am unable financially to do this, I have ordered a limited supply of these books from abroad to have them available for prompt delivery to those persons, like yourself, who are genuinely interested in the real forces at work in the world today.”

Fahey was the most quoted theologian in Coughlin’s newspaper after the popes and Thomas Aquinas. Backlash against his broadcasts resulted in Coughlin doubling down, sometimes claiming he was acting under the guise of anti-communism, not antisemitism, but also claiming religious reasons for his antagonism. Coughlin campaigned against allowing Jewish refugees from Nazi controlled areas into the US, claiming that many were communists and “it was intolerable to permit these aliens to raise their voices in America”.

In the mounting anxiety of a coming European conflict, Coughlin’s advice was for people to arm themselves and be prepared to resist communism in their communities. The German American Bund held a huge rally in Madison Square garden where mass support for Coughlin was on display, and support overlapped between the Bund and the Christian Front. Twenty thousand attended and a twelve hundred strong colour party of uniformed Brownshirts represented the Nazi party in the huge arena. The Bund leader, Fritz Kuhn, recommended Coughlin’s paper to his members and some attempts at co-operation between the groups appears to have taken place. One Bund member, William Wernecke, claimed to have had a meeting with Coughlin and others, during which Coughlin laughingly approved of murdering hundreds of Chicago area Jews. The poet and Nazi agent, George Sylvester Viereck wrote a number of articles for Social Justice in 1938. Viereck was also involved in a 1940 scheme to pay Congress member’s to give Nazi propaganda speeches in the House of Representatives and then distribute the speeches in millions of leaflets using the Congress postal facilities.

In January 1939 Coughlin sent his head of publicity for Social Justice, Leo Reardon, to Berlin to meet with Goebbels and Von Ribbentrop. Von Ribbentrop told Reardon he held Coughlin in high regard, and Goebbels used Coughlin’s approach to claim that antisemitism in the US was far more widespread than admitted. Nazi propaganda was eager to report on the anti-Jewish demonstrations by Coughlin’s supporters. As war grew nearer, Coughlin used his platform to denounce any attempt at US military or financial intervention in Europe, and parroted Nazi excuses for aggression. Huge volumes of mail from his supporters urged federal politicians not to support aid to the Allies.

In international matters, Coughlin, unsurprisingly, supported Franco’s side in the Spanish Civil War and opposed any attempt to provide aid to the Republican government. Huge volumes of mail from his supporters urged Congress not to provide aid, and he viewed this as a major victory. Coughlin was also a vocal supporter of Mussolini, encouraged by his strong leadership and accommodation with the Catholic church. After the invasion of Ethiopia in 1935, with mounting condemnation of Il Duce in the United States, Coughlin criticised the British condemnation of the war as hypocritical considering their history in Ireland. As the Italian Fascist government introduced race laws in 1938, he offered Mussolini space in the Social Justice newspaper to clarify his ‘attitude towards the Jews’. Coughlin met and corresponded with Oswald Mosely and hired his friend Major J.S. Barnes to write articles on the ‘Jewish Question’ and the ‘Jewish Problem’ for Social Justice. Mussolini was declared Man of the Year in an issue of Social Justice from spring of 1940.

Coughlin’s star finally faded with the US entry into the war. For years he had been supported by his immediate superior, Bishop Michael Gallagher of Detroit, another Irish-American, like so many in the church hierarchy. Gallagher had trained in Ireland and supported Coughlin throughout his many controversies and scandals, before his death in January 1937. His successor, Edward Mooney, tried to put the brakes on Coughlin’s political activism but was outwitted by the priest and his supporters, and became concerned that Coughlin might leave the church and take his supporters and their money with him. Private reprimands concerning his antisemitic broadcasts were politely forwarded to the priest. His newspaper was privately printed and therefore beyond the reach of the Church censor. As Coughlin’s antisemitism reached fever pitch in 1938, no censure was forthcoming from the church hierarchy until after the Kristallnacht broadcast. Many lay Catholics urged for greater action, and broadcasters began dropping the show from their airwaves. Greater broadcasting restrictions came into place after the start of the war and by May 1940 Coughlin had effectively lost his radio platform, and Mooney demanded Coughlin cease his role in Social Justice around the same time. The paper continued to publish pro-German and anti-Jewish articles after the start of the war. Headlines blamed Jews for starting the war and profiteering from the conflict. Coughlin was investigated by the FBI for seditious behaviour. His church was raided and witnesses interviewed by a grand jury but Coughlin was never charged. After Coughlin publicly admitted running the paper for two years after Mooney’s request to stop, Mooney finally officially censured Coughlin and threatened him with suspension from his priesthood if he continued publishing without explicit approval. The last issue of the paper was printed in April 1942. As the America First Committee gained ground in 1940-41 it attracted many Christian Front and Coughlinite supporters into its ranks. One official of the Committee estimated eighty percent of the members to be Coughlinites.

After the war, Coughlin remained mostly in Royal Oak, a wealthy man with a large estate and plentiful supporters. He ruled the roost in Royal Oak but remained cut off from politics and media. He retired in 1966 and began publishing articles again, attacking communism and the Vatican II reforms. Charles Coughlin died in 1979 aged eighty eight. His life and work have since been championed by a long list of far right groups.

References:

Athans, Mary Christine (1987) A New Perspective on Father Charles E. Coughlin Church History , Jun., 1987, Vol. 56, No. 2 (Jun., 1987), pp. 224-235

Athans, Mary Christine (1991) The Coughlin – Fahey Connection New York: Peter Lang

Bennet, David H. (1969) Demagogues in the Depression – American Radicals and the Union Party 1936-1936 New Jersey: Rutgers University Press

Brinkley, Alan (1983) Huey Long, Father Coughlin and the Great Depression New York: Vintage Books

Carlson, John Roy (1943) Under Cover: My Four Years in the Nazi Underworld of America New York: E.P. Dutton

Mitchell, Daniel J.B., (2000). The Lessons of Ham and Eggs: California's 1938 and 1939 Pension Ballot Propositions Southern California Quarterly , Summer 2000, Vol. 82, No. 2 (Summer 2000), pp. 193-218

Modras, Ronald (1989) Father Coughlin and Anti-Semitism: Fifty Years Later Journal of Church and State , Spring 1989, Vol. 31, No. 2 (Spring 1989), pp. 231-247

North, Gary, (2010). Gertrude Coogan’s Bluff. Auburn: Ludwig Van Mises Institute

Rennie, Bradford J. (ed.).(2004) Alberta Premiers of the Twentieth Century. Regina: Canadian Plains Research Center, University of Regina.

Spivak, John L. (1940) Shrine of the Silver Dollar New York: Modern Age Books

Warren, Donald (1996) Radio Priest – Charles Coughlin, the Father of Hate Radio New York: The Free Press

Irish-American antisemitism in New York

One of the major precursors the primes a group for violence against minorities is a sense of losing social position, and the Irish in New York often had a sense of losing ground to other ethnic groups, particularly Italians and Jews, during the 1920s and 30s. The election of the first Italian-American mayor of New York, Fiorello La Guardia, symbolised a shift in the city’s power structure, and resulted in a sense of loss of influence for Tammany Hall and their Irish affiliates.

Organised antisemitic activity occurred in New York City during the late 30s and early 40s, with the Father Coughlin inspired Christian Front being front and centre of the violence, using anti-communism as their main excuse. The Front’s New York leader, Jack Cassidy, a young law school graduate was, predictably, Irish American as were the large majority of its members. The Christian Front had come out of Brooklyn based anti-communist organizations organising in Irish-Jewish neighbourhoods like Flatbush, and held its first meeting in July 1938 at the Church of St. Paul in Manhattan. Coughlin had printed a call for organizing in his paper Social Justice on 23rd of May calling for groups of no more than 25 to be formed and to recruit more into the movement. Coughlin had in turn been inspired by the earlier proposal by Pope Pius XI for laity to take up the cause of Catholic Action and organise for a more Catholic society. The group quickly settled on anti-Jewish activities as its main course of defending Christianity. The organisation grew quickly and formed numerous cells and branches acting independently of each other but overseen by Coughlin. One of the off-shoots of the Christian Front was called the Christian Labor Front which aimed to oust Jews and communists from labour unions.

An official Nazi ‘Gau’ had been set up in New York around 1931 and the city was the headquarters of the party in the US until it was dissolved in 1933. There were also branches of the Friends of Germany/Friends of the New Germany which became the American German Bund operating in New York throughout the 1930s, claiming up to 8,000 members in the city. The Christian Front took part in a large Nazi rally at Madison Square Garden in February 1939 led by the German American Bund and a campaign of attacks on Jews across the city began soon afterwards. Irish communities were often anti-interventionist as historical animosity towards Britain, and in particular its military, led many, if not most, to view assisting Britain in a war as tantamount to treason. There was also a widespread dislike and distrust of the Soviet Union and its communist government, and the result was a strong contingent in the north-eastern US which opposed US entry into the war on the side of the Allies. Coughlin and his supporters tried to turn this isolationist view into an antisemitic one by painting Jews as the primary supporters of military intervention against Nazi Germany.

Newspapers played their part in inciting aggression. The Irish World and the long-running Catholic newpaper The Tablet printed stories questioning the extent of antisemitic persecution in Europe and asking why more was not being said about anti-Christian persecution there and in Mexico. The Tablet went further, suggesting Jews were responsible for attacks on Christians and that antisemitism was being exaggerated to cover for communist crimes. Both papers took strong pro-Coughlin stances when he had been taken off air by WMCA and defended his post-Kristallnacht comments that justified the Nazi campaign against Jews. In February 1939, at the height of Coughlin’s attacks on Jews, The Tablet (then operating as The Brooklyn Tablet) praised Coughlin in an editorial by Patrick Scanlon:

Fr. Coughlin has fearlessly and courageously discussed the Jewish problem that others would pass by in cowardly silence…. [No Catholic can honestly criticize] Fr. Coughlin’s very temperate reference to the part that a Jewish Weltanschauung contributed to the untoward world conditions.

Support for Coughlin was not uniform across Catholic America, and some papers like the Catholic Worker and hierarchy like Cardinal Hayes of New York pushed back against him. Sales pitches of Social Justice were used by Christian Front supporters to attack Jews. One seller in Times Square described his technique as insulting anyone who looked half-Jewish and hoping for a response that could be counteracted by a waiting group of supporters. There were large German and Italian communities in the city but it was Irish American gangs who attacked Jews in Queens and Brooklyn, damaging synagogues and boycotting businesses. Aslon J. Smith, writing in The Christian Century, described the gangs in New York as being ‘almost entirely Irish and Catholic’. The Jewish neighbourhoods targeted – Washington Heights, South Bronx and Flatbush were located near Irish neighbourhoods and Jewish cemeteries were desecrated. Near nightly gatherings by these and similar groups to denounce Jewish people and incite violence against Jewish communities were occurring in various parts of the city during the war. The overlap between the Christian Front and the NYPD, another group heavily represented by Irish Americans (the force was 66% Irish American) was notable, and an FBI investigation revealed 1500 NYPD members had tried to join the Christian Front.

A smaller faction, the Christian Mobilizers, led by Joe McWilliams (nicknamed Handsome Joe McNazi) appeared in July 1939 as a breakaway from the Christian Front and wanted to pursue these attacks further. McWilliams came originally from Oklahoma and claimed not to be a Catholic at a later court trial. He had been a strong communist supporter and friendly with many Jews up until the late 30’s. The Mobilizers recruited mainly from Irish Catholics and claimed to have former IRA members in their ranks. McWilliams boasted at the inaugural meeting to 500 local toughs:

I'm gathering around me the meanest, the toughest, the most ornery bunch of German soldiers, Italian veterans and Irish I.R.A. men in the country. I'm going to have the greatest collection of strong-arm men in the city. And if anybody tries to stop us . . . they'll think lightning hit them.

McWilliams played up the anti-interventionist card, stating at one meeting in 1940 that ‘the Jews want to destroy Hitler to the last Irishman’.

It's a revolution against the Jew first, then against Democracy, then against the Republican and Democratic parties. Both are rotten. Both useless. We are going to drive them both out and we are going to run this country with an iron hand, the way Hitler runs Germany.

McWilliams assembled goon squads from a motley collection of petty criminals and staged rallies urging attendees to acquire guns and ammunition and to train in small cells to fight a coming race war. McWilliams was busy, holding up to 20 protests and rallies a week throughout the city, and his gangs assaulted people on a nightly basis. He was equally at home in the gutters as he was on Park Avenue, moving seamlessly across the class divide and set up a political party called the American Destiny Party as a vehicle for publicity. The group worked closely with the Bund and an official merger was discussed but this idea was dropped after the leader of the Bund, Fritz Kuhn was arrested.

After his Kristallnacht-era broadcasts had elicited protests, groups sprung up to aid Coughlin and his messaging. Prominent defenders of Coughlin have been linked with Nazi agents, such as George Von Nosdall in New York, head of the Crusaders for Americanism who praised Fritz Kuhn as the ‘greatest living Christian American in the country’. Von Nosdall made a speech in defence of Coughlin in the Bronx where he addressed a crowd with the Nazi salute and said:

When we get through with the Jews in America they'll think the treatment they received in Germany was nothing… Judaistic gore will soon flow in the streets of New York City!

Edward James Smythe was another New York Christian Front organiser with ties to Nazi Germany through Kurt Mertig and the Bund. The American National Party was active in New York and surrounding states and held meetings of several hundred in support of Coughlin, urging members to kill Jews and Communists, while other groups such as the Citizens Protective League or American Patriots, Inc. appealed to different demographics. Sporting clubs such as the Iron Guard or American Phalanx were established to act as underground paramilitary training groups to teach members in sabotage, street-fighting and guerrilla warfare, with some of the groups claiming IRA experience and membership. Practice runs consisted of vandalizing Jewish businesses and beating up anyone that interfered.

In January 1940, seventeen Christian Front members from Brooklyn were arrested and weapons seized as part of an FBI investigation, eleven of them came from Irish backgrounds. The defendants were charged with seditious conspiracy and the alleged plot involved bombing Jewish centres and left-wing offices and assassinating Jewish congressmen in the hope of sparking a race war. The jurors in the trial were sympathetic and the prosecution had a hard time proving such a large-scale plot would be carried out with a small amount of weapons. No verdict was returned, and The Tablet suggested that the only thing they were guilty of was ‘excessive patriotism’.

Antisemitic violence in the city peaked in 1943 but 1944 saw a further wave of incidents in New York with Irish gangs once again involved. Washington Heights in upper Manhattan saw the worst of the conflict, an area of the city with large numbers of Irish and Jewish residents. Demonstrations against Jewish businesses and refugees took place led by the Christian Front and Christian Mobilizers. Despite the crackdown on the Christian Front in 1940, antisemitic incidents increased after the US entry into the war with vandalism against synagogues, swastika graffiti and taunts of ‘Kill the Jews’ being shouted at worshippers. Often teenagers led the way, beating up Jewish boys and throwing stones at windows, acting on anti-Jewish sentiments they were being exposed to in the Irish community. Two gangs, the Amsterdams and the Shamrocks were prominent in this period. The appeals for police protection often fell on deaf ears, similar to the situation in Boston. It took intervention from Mayor La Guardia to instigate some attempts at de-escalation in the city. The local Catholic church was very reluctant to condemn the incidents. During the worst of the antisemitic violence during the war, Francis McIntyre, auxiliary bishop of New York, minimised the attacks on Jewish property and claimed that ‘the chalk doodlings of children have been used by paid publicity agents to conjure up the phantom of antisemitic hate to injure the Catholic population of New York’. It was not until January 1944 that a cross-community committee started to work together to rein in the gangs. In 1944, Joe McWilliams and 29 others were put on trial for seditious conspiracy under the Smith Act. McWilliams was the principal defendant, but the death of the judge caused a mistrial and the case was not prosecuted again.

In the South Bronx, a similar pattern played out. Christian Mobilizers and German American Bund co-operated in the neighbourhood and led street protests against Jewish targets. This then led to vandalism and the emergence of teenage gangs and assaults on Jews, which went on long after the main groups had been disbanded by the authorities. Posters calling for the elimination of the Jews appeared in the area. Jews fought back against the assaults and tensions simmered throughout the war. This was also a pattern in other neighbourhoods across the city. As the war wound down, so did the inter-ethnic conflict. The defeat of the Nazis and the revelations of the Holocaust may have tempered some of the animosity from Irish quarters, and allowed a renewed focus on Soviet communism as the major international threat. Locally, neighbourhoods may have gotten more accustomed to changing demographics and the economics of the war helped to end the Depression and the accompanying general dense of stagnation and frustration.

References

Bayor, Ronald H. (1988) Neighbours in Conflict – The Irish, Germans, Jews and Italians of New York City, 1929-1941 2nd Ed. Urbana: University of Illinois Press

Carlson, John Roy (1943) Under Cover: My Four Years in the Nazi Underworld of America New York: E.P. Dutton

Norwood, Stephen H., (2003) Marauding Youth and the Christian Front: Antisemitic Violence in Boston and New York During World War II American Jewish History , June 2003, Vol. 91, No. 2 (June 2003), pp. 233-267

Spivak, John L. (1940) Shrine of the Silver Dollar New York: Modern Age Books

Stack, John F. (1979) International Conflict in an American City – Boston’s Irish Italians and Jews, 1935-1944 Westport: Greenwood Press

Weitzman, Mark (2013) “Artisans … for Antichrist”: Jews, Radical Catholic Traditionalists, and the Extreme Right pp 265-282 from Global Antisemitism: A Crisis of Modernity Edited by Charles Asher Small, Leiden: Brill

Irish-American antisemitism in Boston

Boston is often considered the most Irish city outside of Ireland, and certainly in the Americas. It’s history of large-scale immigration from Ireland has permanently shaped its identity and the city still resonates with Irish people, although often the fondness now has a tinge of embarrassment, as for distant cousins with strange notions of home. By the interwar period, the city’s demographics led to large Jewish and Italian populations living alongside the Irish in the city. A strong sense of Catholicism remained a defining feature of the Irish communities at the time, along with an everlasting grudge against British imperialism, opposition to godless communism and a self-perception as the underdogs that had by then a very questionable basis in reality. Irish political power in the city by the 1930’s extended to control of City Hall, state and federal Senators and Congresspeople, the police department and many other elements of the city and state power structures.

During the depression, an Irish-American priest from Detroit (although born in Ontario) Father Charles Coughlin rose to a position of immense power and influence through his political campaigning driven by an immensely popular radio programme. Coughlin had pioneered both religious televangelism and right wing talk radio from the late 1920’s in a nationally syndicated radio program that drew millions of listeners on a weekly basis alongside huge donations. Originally a supporter of FDR, Coughlin fell out with the president and started a new political party and social movement called the National Union for Social Justice which ran as the Union Party in 1936 elections. An accompanying newspaper called Social Justice proved very popular and was used by Coughlin to spread his ideas. While Coughlin had long used antisemitic rhetoric, following Kristallnacht in 1938 the anti-Jewish rhetoric was ratcheted up to fever pitch and a full-throated endorsement of Nazi policies was spewed out in Coughlin’s radio broadcasts and print. Coughlin credited Dublin priest Father Denis Fahey with solidifying his theological hatred of Jews and strongly promoted Fahey’s work to his immense audience. Coughlin was very popular in Boston among the Irish there and his followers became wrapped up in the hateful targeting of Jewish communities.

For several years Boston became a hotspot for antisemitic attacks by Coughlin’s followers and a closer look at Boston (and New York) in this period reveals how central Irish-American activists were to the organised antisemitism of the period. The Spanish Civil War had motivated Boston Catholics to come out in support of Franco and the Nationalist cause in the name of anti-communism. High profile Boston clergy and politicians such as Cardinal William O’Connell, Congressman John McCormack and Senator David Walsh all made public campaigns in support of Franco. O’Connell, primate of Boston and New England, declared Franco a defender of the Christian civilization in Spain after his planes had bombed and killed a thousand civilians in Barcelona on 18 March 1938. These campaigns motivated Catholic groups in Boston to agitate for the nationalist cause and may have led to networks that responded to the war with Germany a few years later. Long-held antagonism towards Britain as well as local ethnic tensions led Boston-Irish to tend strongly towards isolationism. This position was also taken up by the large Boston Italian community, which left the Jewish community, painfully aware of the persecution in Europe, as the leading pro-democracy and pro-intervention voice in the city. Cardinal O’Connell made multiple anti-intervention statements including one that posited supporters of his position as ‘real’ Americans and could be seen as a pointed dig at Jewish Bostonians:

'It is hard for me to understand why some of the propagandists are allowed to cry down the normal wish of the American people for peace. What is their purpose? They cannot be real Americans, because real Americans think of their own country first. There are certain expatriates, I think you know whom I mean—who are raising their voices in loud accents with the preposterous proposition that America sink her individuality and become a sort of tail-end of a foreign empire.’

Despite facing widespread discrimination and abuse, the city’s Jewish representatives strongly cautioned against condemning the Irish or Italian communities as a whole for the activities of some of their members. The Jewish Advocate, a Boston based newspaper, cautioned against allowing investigations of Nazi and fascist groups to “to degenerate into an indiscriminate alien-baiting campaign.”

Coughlin received more electoral support in Boston than any other city and Mayor Jim Curley called it ‘the most Coughlinite in America’. Under O’Connell’s watch, Social Justice was sold outside every Catholic church in the city. This was in spite of O’Connell’s animosity towards Coughlin who he had repeatedly spoken out against since April 1932. While O’Connell thought Coughlin had gone too far in his rhetoric, they still shared many beliefs, such as anti-communism and isolationism. O’Connell had bought the local Catholic newspaper The Pilot in 1908 and turned it into the official organ of the diocese. The pages were frequently used to minimize Hitler’s actions during the 1930’s and rally support for Franco in the Spanish Civil War. In the 1936 elections three Democratic congressmen from strongly Irish districts ran on the Union Party ticket, and South Boston was a large base of support for Coughlin.

A New York based Catholic priest named Father Edward Lodge Curran was closely associated with Coughlin and spoke frequently at public events where he criticized Jews for involving the US in the war and praised Marshall Petain as a ‘great and noble soul’. One such event was the Evacuation Day events of 1941 which coincided with St. Patrick’s Day. Evacuation Day was a date to remember the evacuation of British troops from Boston in 1776. This was a large city-sponsored event where Curran made a speech denouncing the US entry into the war, despite the attack on Pearl Harbour. Curran was editor of the largest Catholic newspaper in the US, the Brooklyn Tablet and also wrote a column for the Gaelic-American, a Coughlinite paper in New York. The planned appearance was protested vociferously by many in the city. He was described as Frances Sweeney as a ‘mouthpiece for Coughlin’ and as a ‘fascist demagogue' and disgrace to the Catholic church by Professor Frederick L. Schuman. Despite, or perhaps partly because of the controversy, the events were a huge success with record crowds turning out to hear Curran, and his speech lambasting ‘internal enemies’ received a standing ovation. These events in 1941 led to the creation of the American-Irish Defense Association by Sweeney and other liberal Irish-Americans in Boston. Sweeney was a journalist and antifascist activist who helped to counter the anti-Jewish propaganda pumped out by Coughlin to a receptive audience.

Following Coughlin’s hard turn into antisemitism and pro-Nazism, a group called the Christian Front was formed among his supporters for the purpose of establishing a street presence and with a view to paramilitary activity. In the early years of the war the Boston Christian Front acted as a propaganda outfit for Nazi Germany, screening films and distributing official Nazi literature from its headquarters in Roxbury. The antisemitic campaign in Boston was led by the New England leader of the Christian Front, Francis P. Moran who was named as national director of the Christian Front by Coughlin in 1939. Moran made speeches blaming Jews for starting the war and accused them of conspiring to get Americans killed in the fighting. The start of the campaign was a film showing organised by Moran at the Hibernian Hall in June 1941 where the Nazi propaganda film Sieg in Westen (Victory in the West) was shown to the audience. Meetings at the hall in Roxbury, near Jewish neighbourhoods, attracted up to 500 people and started with Nazi salutes. Rumours were spread stating that Jews were avoiding the draft and engaging in war-profiteering. The fear and hatred was building to a boiling point. Long standing anti-British grievances manifested as pro-German sentiment and were endorsed by the Mayor and other city officials through Evacuation Day and St. Patrick’s Day events which sometimes ended in group attacks on Jewish people. Many of the Christian Front activists were tied up with Nazi agents operating in the US and German-American Bund members.

During the war almost daily attacks were recorded on Jewish residents of Boston’s Dorchester neighbourhood and neighbouring Roxbury and Mattapan. Most of the perpetrators were identified as young Irish-Americans from nearby neighbourhoods like South Boston and Fields Square. Gangs would go into Dorchester to go ‘Jew-hunting’, assault and intimidate Jewish residents and attack Jewish businesses and synagogues. The attacks were called a series of ‘small scale pogroms’ by The Day, a Jewish newspaper based in New York. Accusations were also levelled at the Boston police and city officials (dominated by Irish-Americans) for failing to intervene to prevent the violence by Frances Sweeney. One incident involved two Jewish boys being arrested following an attack by an Irish gang. After the cops showed up during the assault, the police detained, beat and prosecuted the two boys for complaining that the assailants were allowed to leave. An Irish Catholic judge later found the Two Jewish boys guilty of affray. Women and children were frequently targeted in the attacks and residents reported being afraid to leave their houses, even during the day.

The events were mostly ignored by the Boston press. It was not until a PM (A New York based daily newspaper) front page story in October 1943 that the violence was openly admitted and discussed among the politicians of the day, and public denouncements of the violence were voiced by civic leaders. Previously, concerns had been raised but dismissed by the mayor and others more interested in ignoring the problems. A special investigation into police brutality found several members of the Boston PD guilty of assaults on Jews and the Police Commissioner, Joseph Timilty, was fired. Despite this reaction, violent incidents did not peak until later in 1944, with Dorchester High School being one of the centres of the attacks. Irish-American city councillors refused to back any programs aimed at reducing tensions and violence among the youth of the city, seeing such things as smears on the good name of Irish communities.

Incidents tailed off after the war in the wake of the revelations of the Holocaust, but a few years later, once again grew more common as the Red Scare took hold and Jews were caught up in the anti-communist hysteria of the McCarthy era. Cardinal O’Connell’s successor, Richard Cushing was more accommodating of interfaith dialogue and made efforts to include Jewish groups as part of his civic duties. His tenure represented a shift in the attitudes of the Church hierarchy in the city in relation to its Jewish inhabitants, but Cushing was still a fervent anti-communist who endorsed the John Birch Society and other conspiratorial and anti-Jewish groups under the banner of fighting communism.

After the war, another Boston Irish Catholic priest, a leading Jesuit named Leonard Feeney preached antisemitic speeches to fervent supporters in Boston Common on Sundays and attracted former Christian Front supporters to his cultish group called Slaves of the Immaculate Heart of Mary. His followers were forbidden from communicating with their parents, earning personal income or having sex. Feeney targeted Harvard students and offered recruits free room, board and tuition. A description of one of his sermons gives a flavour of his rhetoric:

‘At the center of an ever widening ring of people, without an overcoat, on a small, rough, wooden platform, stood a short plump man in the black suit of a clergyman, his arms waving in the air, his white hair tossing about above his glasses, his shrill voice carrying over the noise of traffic on nearby Charles Street.

“Brotherhood is the bunk,” cried the little clergyman, “the most absolute nonsense. You Catholics out there—do you know the Jews are trying to take over this city? And the Protestants are helping them. Why, everyone knows that. Everybody knows that to be true. The Jews run the business end, and the Protestants, the religious. And this is supposed to be a Catholic city.”

A woman's voice said something above the general murmur of the crowd. The little man in black turned to her and gasped. “How dare you say such things. You're disgraceful, I'm very much ashamed to hear you say such things.”

The woman trembled, almost cried, but repeated her remark. “Is this what our boys fight and die for, Father? Is this why Protestants and Jews fight to save all of us?”

The white-haired speaker stopped his talk. He called the woman names: “a Jew mistress ... a horrid, degenerate, sexual pervert,” and other choice epithets, ending his attack with, “you filthy man, you.” The woman almost fainted. She stayed, but said no more.’

Scuffles were commonplace between his supporters and Harvard students, including a young Bobby Kennedy, who took issue with Feeney’s preaching. Feeney was a former Boston College professor and taught theology at the Jesuit College in Weston, Massachusetts. Prior to his arrival at St. Benedict’s in Boston city centre, he had edited America, the nationwide Catholic magazine and published several volumes of poetry. He was later the editor of a magazine called The Point which frequently published antisemitic writings such as Jewish Invasion of Our Country – Our Culture Under Siege which ran in the January 1957 edition. Feeney was a fervent supporter of extra Ecclesiam nulla salus, the ’no salvation outside the church’ doctrine which led him to vigorously assail all other religions, but Jews in particular. This gave rise to the term ‘Feeneyism’ which is considered heretical by the Catholic Church and also known as the ‘Boston Heresy’. Feeney was silenced by Cardinal Cushing, which he ignored and then excommunicated in 1953 for heresy. He died in 1978.

Boston remains a nexus for far-right Irish American activity today. More recent groups such as the neo-Nazi group National Socialist Club (or NSC-131 – the 131 standing for ACA or anti-communist action) have tried to develop a presence in the city and the broader New England region, latching on to St. Patrick’s Day events and courting Irish far-right groups in a bid to boost legitimacy on both sides of the Atlantic. Central to much of the rhetoric from such groups is a sense of the Irish as underdogs, undeserving of the criticisms of wider White America, and attempting to exploit the grievances of a centuries long struggle against colonialism as fuel to light fires of hatred towards minorities. This line has been broadly pushed by other American far right groups, regardless of their specific ethnic make-up or affiliation, alongside the Irish slaves myth and used to justify anti-Black hatred and discrimination. It has been heartening to see, in the spirit of Frances Sweeney, that public demonstrations by far-right in Boston have usually been strongly opposed by the city’s present day residents and long may that continue.

Sources:

Crosby, Donald F., (1971) Boston's Catholics and the Spanish Civil War: 1936-1939 The New England Quarterly , Mar., 1971, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Mar., 1971), pp. 82-100

Feldberg, Michael (2012) American Heretic: The Rise and Fall of Father Leonard Feeney, S.J. American Catholic Studies , Summer 2012, Vol. 123, No. 2 (Summer 2012), pp. 109-115

Goldstein, Jenny (2001) Transcending Boundaries: Boston’s Catholics and Jews, 1929-1965 Brandeis University Thesis

Lebowicz, Matt (2017) When Boston was America’s ‘capital’ of anti-Semitism Times of Israel 4 September 2017

Norwood, Stephen H., (2003) Marauding Youth and the Christian Front: Antisemitic Violence in Boston and New York During World War II American Jewish History , June 2003, Vol. 91, No. 2 (June 2003), pp. 233-267

Savadore, Laurence D. (1951) Father Feeney, Rebel from Church, Preaches Hate, Own Brand of Dogma to All Comers The Harvard Crimson

Spivak, John L. (1940) Shrine of the Silver Dollar New York: Modern Age Books

Stack, John F. (1979) International Conflict in an American City – Boston’s Irish Italians and Jews, 1935-1944 Westport: Greenwood Press

Warren, Donald (1996) Radio Priest – Charles Coughlin, the Father of Hate Radio New York: The Free Press

James Kopp, doctor killer

Ireland has long been used as a refuge for far-right activists avoiding the consequences of their actions. Breton SS members, genocidal Croatian priests, rootless neo-Nazi intellectuals and many more have found themselves washed up on the island at one time or another. One such fugitive was an American assassin on the FBI’s top ten most wanted list who hid out in Dublin at the turn of the millennium.

Since the late 70s, and peaking in the 90s, the abortion wars have raged across the US and sometimes bled over the borders. Bomb attacks, shootings, assassinations, assaults and intimidation have all played a part in the movement against abortion rights led by Christian fundamentalists. These clandestine activities worked hand in hand with legal methods such as long term strategies of media campaigns and political pressure, which in 2022 led to the overturning of Roe vs. Wade and a new era of state mandated restrictions on bodily autonomy. According to the National Abortion Federation, anti-abortion activists committed at least 42 bombings and 196 arsons of clinics, and 11 murders of abortion providers in the US between 1977 and 2021. In October 1998 as part of the violence, a Jewish ob/gyn doctor named Barnett Slepian was shot and killed at his home in Amherst, New York by anti-abortion militant James Kopp in an attack that was almost identical to several unsolved attempted murders of doctors across Canada and the US. Five of the victims, including Slepian, had been shot with a sniper rifle through a window of their home. Kopp had adopted the nom de guerre of Atomic Dog and was a hardened militant, intent on playing his role in what he saw as the defence of innocent life. He was soon suspected of the Slepian murder and after being placed on the FBI’s top ten most wanted list in December 1998, Kopp fled to Ireland, via Mexico, and managed to evade capture for over two years.

Kopp was not an outlier, he was a central figure in the protest movement and had been arrested dozens of times in relation to his activities at clinics. Kopp was born in California in 1954 and achieved a master’s degree in Embryology from California State University. He became involved in anti-abortion activity after his girlfriend had an abortion. Kopp was affiliated with a Catholic anti-abortion group called The Lambs of Christ, and an underground paramilitary group called the Army of God. He had multiple arrests for actions taken against clinics, and claimed to have invented a type of blockade that was difficult for police to deal with. As a member of the anti-abortion network, he travelled constantly across the US and went on missions to Europe and South East Asia. Kopp was involved in traditional Catholicism, (or trad-cath) theology, a dissident branch of Catholicism that rejects many of the modernising reforms carried out by Pope Paul VI following the Second Vatican Council in the 1960’s. The reforms adopted by the council included the adoption of the vernacular language for church services and a rejection of the concept of collective guilt of Jewish people for the death of Jesus. Kopp’s links to the trad-cath Society of Saint Pius X sect were investigated by Canadian police in relation to the shootings of doctors in Vancouver, Winnipeg and Hamilton.

While on the run in Dublin, Kopp regularly attended the SSPX church, Saint John’s on Mounttown Road in Dún Laoghaire. The church is one of seven chapels in Ireland currently run by the Society. SSPX has a long history of involvement with antisemitic and far-right activity, and has spawned a smaller extremist off-shoot called SSPX-Resistance which also has a presence in Ireland and many further connections to holocaust denial and far-right activity. The FBI claimed that Klopp was assisted by pro-life groups while on the run in Ireland, but no direct evidence to this effect has been produced, and the claim was denied at the time by anti-abortion groups. In 1983 Ireland had adopted the draconian Eight Amendment to the Constitution which strictly prohibited abortion access but this had not prevented anti-abortion groups such as Youth Defence from campaigning against any perceived liberalisation of the abortion laws. Youth Defence had adopted some of the tactics of the US abortion wars, including aggressive picketing and intimidation of abortion healthcare advocates. The group has links with trad-cath circles and made important international connections with other like-minded organisations. Reports of Youth Defence’s activities can be found in literature published around the time of Kopp’s time in Ireland from the SSPX-aligned International Third Position group alongside advertisements for genocidal anti-Jewish literature and scene reports for Blood and Honour. The ITP was based in London and led by Italian fascist Roberto Fiore, a wealthy and well-connected politician who has maintained his connections with Ireland since. Two of Youth Defence’s prominent members, Justin Barrett and James Reynolds went on to form the far-right National Party in 2016, and another, Michael Quinn, founded a short-lived neo-Nazi group called the Democratic Right Movement in 2010. During an interview in the run-up to the 2018 referendum to appeal the Eight Amendment, Barrett advocated exactly what Kopp had done, executing doctors who provided abortion services. Kopp also had contacts in England among anti-abortion activists there. During his time as an activist in Europe, Kopp served spells in jail in Manchester and Rome alongside his close friend Maurice Lewis, a British-Canadian activist, and would have had extensive connections across the continent, which may have proved valuable during his time on the lam, but his main source of support was from friends in the US, and this was to prove to be his downfall.

Kopp was adept at identity fraud. He adopted the identities of deceased babies of a similar age to himself and managed to acquire several Irish driving licenses and passports which allowed him to work and travel. He acquired an Irish passport in the name of John O’Brien but his usual pseudonym was Timothy Guttler and he spent some of his time in Ireland living in the Morningstar Hostel near Smithfield, and the Iveagh Hostel near Christchurch. He found casual work, including a spell at a hospital on Hume Street, and was a regular at Bewley’s on Grafton Street. Meanwhile, FBI agents in the US were bugging Kopp’s friends in New York – convicted clinic-bomber Dennis Malvasi and his wife Loreta Marra, and hoping to get a lead on Kopp’s location. A series of phone calls and emails led them to believe he was hiding out in Ireland. As the net closed in, a journalist at the Irish Mirror received a tip-off from a Garda source and the paper ran a front-page story, alongside Kopp’s photo, about the hunt for him focusing on Ireland. Kopp got the message and fled to France, taking the ferry from Rosslare to Cherbourg and on to the town of Dinan in Brittany. After a few days he was arrested by French detectives on 29th of March, 2001 and later extradited to New York to face his murder trial.

Members of Army of God, a violent extremist group active in the abortion wars, protested outside the courthouse during his trial calling for his acquittal, and have supported him since his trial. Members or supporters of the group (which uses a leaderless resistance model to avoid centralised repression and deniable association) have been convicted of bombings of clinics and murder of doctors. The group has produced a manual for activists wanting to pursue illegal means in the anti-abortion campaign. Part of the manual reads ‘…we are forced to take up arms against you. Our life for yours, a simple equation. Dreadful. Sad. Reality nonetheless. You shall be tortured at our hands. Vengeance belongs to God only. However, execution is rarely gentle. The book also contains a dedication to Kopp – ‘Special thanks to Atomic Dog, you nuclear canine’. Klopp confessed to the shooting of Dr. Slepian and was convicted of second degree murder. He was sentenced to a term of twenty five years to life.

Sources:

Cusack, Jim, Humphreys, Joe and O’Morain, Padraig (2001) Anti-abortion groups say they did not meet Kopp Irish Times 31st March 2001

Clarkson, Frederick (1998) Anti-Abortion Bombings Related SPLC Intelligence Report Summer 1998 SPLC

Jefferis, Jennifer (2011) Armed For Life – The Army of God and Anti-Abortion Terror in the United States (PSI Guides to Terrorists, Insurgents, and Armed Groups) Santa Barbara: Praeger

Risen, James (2022) Anti-Abortion Zealots Were Precursor to Donald Trump’s Right-Wing Shock Troops The Intercept 11th July 2022

Wells, Sniper (2008) Sniper – The True Story of Anti-Abortion Killer James Kopp Canmore: Altitude

Vulliamy, Ed, McDonald, Henry, Jeffries, Stuart (2001) Abortion Death Hunt Muzzles 'Atomic Dog' The Guardian 1st April, 2001

https://spotlightontheright.wordpress.com/2016/10/05/no-2-justin-barrett-michael-quinn/

https://www.dailyedge.ie/jim-jefferies-abortion-sketch-3977137-Apr2018/

https://www.prochoiceactionnetwork-canada.org/articles/kopp-links.shtml

Charles Bewley, Ireland’s Ambassador to Nazi Germany

Some people fail spectacularly at their jobs and the story of Charles Bewley, the Irish Minister to Hitler’s Germany is one such tale. The word diplomat has come to be a synonym for tactful and level-headed, with international representatives expected to navigate difficult political situations with a calm and measured attitude, but Bewley refused to adhere to convention.

(Note: Due to the nature of the Irish Free State during this period, the title of Ambassador was not used, instead titles of envoy, minister or chargé d’affairs were variously used.)

Charles Bewley was born into a wealthy unionist Quaker family in Dublin in 1888 but converted to Catholicism and became an Irish nationalist involved in the struggle for independence. He trained as lawyer at Oxford and King’s Inn College in Dublin, and acquired a high level of competency in German, French and Italian. As a Sinn Féin member in 1921, Bewley was appointed to a position in Berlin as consul for trade matters for the as-yet unrecognised Free State or Republic. The nascent state was making connections to further its economic independence from Britain, and Germany was seen as a likely partner. He was soon involved in a row when he was ejected from a Jewish-owned Berlin nightclub for making antisemitic remarks about Robert Briscoe who was also in Berlin at the time. Briscoe was a Jewish member of the Republican movement and later a long-time Fianna Fáil TD and Lord Mayor of Dublin. Briscoe was a gun-runner for the IRA and his mission to Germany resulted in a tug-boat called Frieda landing in Waterford with a large supply of arms for the IRA along with several other shipments. Briscoe reported on the night club incident with Bewley in a letter to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, George Gavan Duffy:

It seems Mr. Bewley arrived there in the evening in a rather advanced state of intoxication, and on my name being mentioned burst forth into a string of most abusive and filthy language. His chief point of argument as an excuse for this attitude was my religion. His expressions about me in connection with my faith were evidently of so strong and so vile a nature as to warrant his forcible ejection. He returned, however, almost immediately and then abused the proprietors until he was again chucked out and forbidden to ever enter their premises again.

Gavan Duffy was well aware of Bewley’s antisemitic views, certainly from Briscoe and also from John Smith Chartres, one of the principal Treaty negotiators and then serving as the envoy to Berlin who reported:

I have known Bewley for several years and have a high regard for him. I know he is mad on the Jewish question and the incident you reported … was inexcusable.

When Bewley applied for the post of Chargé d’Affaires in Berlin, Gavan Duffy recommended that he be posted to a more Catholic area. This was not particularly because of his antisemitic leanings as such, but because they were so pronounced as to be clearly interfering with his professional judgment, an opinion supported by Chartres. Bewley was supported at the time by Joseph Walshe who would later assume Gavan Duffy’s role. Bewley returned to Dublin in 1923, as the Berlin mission was closed down until 1929, and worked as a prosecutor for the pro-Treaty Cumann na nGaedhal government. He has been described as aggressively pro-Treaty and supportive of the execution of Erskine Childers by Free State forces. In 1929 Bewley was appointed by Walshe as Irish Minister Plenipotentiary to the Vatican where he served for four years and was awarded a knighthood for his service by the Pope in 1933. A move back to Berlin followed as he was appointed Irish Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary to Germany in July 1933 after impressing DeValera during a visit to the Vatican. Once in Berlin, he made waves among the English speaking and diplomatic communities with his crude anti-British jibes. In contrast to his predecessor, D.A. Binchy, who had foreseen the horrific reality of Nazi power, Bewley’s reports from Berlin show that he was enamoured with and enthusiastic about Hitler’s reign and National Socialism, particularly as an authoritarian bulwark against communism. His letters justify the actions of the Nazis in eliminating political rivals and attacking Jews as necessary actions to secure the nation from the perils of communism.

It is true that a promise was given at the same time that the activities of the Jews in commerce would be restricted by law, and it would appear certain that such restriction will be drastic when it comes. Such measures would certainly be in harmony with the general public opinion, which partly as the effect of propaganda and partly as the result of the singularly provocative conduct of the Jews themselves in former years is extremely anti-Semitic.

Unlike many of the diplomats stationed in Germany, he attended several of the notorious mass rallies in Nurnberg that were staged as expressions of Nazi power. He described one as an ‘unqualified triumph’ and praised Hitler as the ‘finest orator that I have ever heard’. Bewley, like many right-wingers at the time, was also concerned with the influence of Freemasonry which he saw as pro-British, pro-Communist, anti-Catholic and pro-Jewish. The association of Freemasonry with subversive Jewish interests led to the forcible dissolution of the German masonic lodges in 1935 by the Nazi regime. Bewley was susceptible to conspiracy theories, and felt sufficiently moved by the question of ritual murders of Christians by Jews to send an official four page report to Walshe, concluding that it was only logical for the German government to act against such a potentially fatal influence. Most of Bewley’s reports are not stated as representing his own personal views, but instead he forcefully represents Nazi viewpoints (and implies they were consensus viewpoints in Germany) without any contradiction, statements which could easily have been taken verbatim from Der Stürmer. A letter on the Czechoslovakian situation classifies Czechoslovakia as a threat to Germany. Another letter dated 15th March 1939 appears supportive of Monsignor Tiso’s National Party in Slovakia for its ultra-Catholic nature.

In his declaration Monsignor Tiso has emphasised the Catholic character of his government, and announced the introduction of new legislation dealing with the Jewish problem on German lines.

Tiso’s enthusiastic collaboration with the Nazis would lead directly to the deaths of over 69,000 Jews, over two thirds of the pre-war Jewish population of Slovakia.

Bewley was also influenced by the writing of Fr. Denis Fahey, a well-known Dublin-based theologian and prolific antisemite. A December 1938 report to Walshe on antisemitism in Germany shows a man fully immersed in antisemitic conspiracy theories who recommends Walshe read Fahey’s The Rulers of Russia, a book that produced lists of Jews supposedly responsible for the spread of communism. The report fully justifies repressive actions against Jewish communities by German, Italian, Czechoslovakian, Polish and Hungarian governments on the grounds of Jewish disloyalty to their ‘host nations’, and supposed allegiance to Zionism and communism. The report also claimed American Jewish bankers financed communist movements in Europe, that Jews were in control of banking, academia, arts and the media, and attacked individual Jewish businessmen as swindlers and fraudsters in need of intervention by state forces. It went on to warn against Jewish immigration, a point particularly relevant to Bewley’s position as Irish Minister in charge of approving visas for Jews hoping to leave Nazi Germany for Ireland. He would run up against Briscoe again in this regard, as Briscoe was advocating for sanctuary for Jewish refugees fleeing persecution. An example of the depth of his antisemitic thought can be seen in the letter.

A further reason given in Germany and all the other countries of Central Europe for introducing discriminating legislation against the Jews is their demoralizing influence on the communities among which they live. It is a notorious fact that the international white slave traffic is controlled by Jews. No one who has even a superficial knowledge of Germany can be ignorant that the appalling moral degradation before 1933 was, if not caused, at least exploited by Jews. The German stage was the most indecent in Europe; it was a Jewish monopoly. German papers appeared of a purely pornographic nature: the proprietor and editor were invariably Jews. Jewish members of the Reichstag were responsible for the introduction of a number of measures abolishing legal penalties for abortion and a number of other practices which are visited by the most severe punishments in every Christian country. Jewish emigrants in the countries which they have been permitted to enter have created and are creating grave moral scandals and are a source of corruption of the populations among which they dwell….There are of course very many other reasons adduced for the elimination of the Jewish element from the public life of Germany: I cannot for obvious reasons enter into them all. I desire however to point out that the facts here stated are well known to everyone who has lived in Central Europe, or who has taken the trouble to make enquiries from non-Jewish sources into the situation as it really is.

Bewley was aware of the intense legal restrictions placed on Jewish Germans by this time by the Nazis and fully justified the exclusion of Jews from most areas of German society. He was also concerned with what he imagined was Jewish repression of Catholics in Eastern Europe. Bewley justified the Nazi measures by comparing them to previous anti-Jewish Papal decrees.

It is perhaps well to refer to the fact that very few, if any, of the measures introduced in Germany in relation to the Jewish problem cannot be paralleled in the measures introduced by the Popes in relation to the Jews of Rome. Under various Papal decrees Jews were forbidden to have Christian servants. Christians who had recourse to Jewish doctors were excommunicated. Jews lived in special parts of the city and carried a distinctive mark (a wheel or circle) on their clothing, marriages between Jews and Christians were not admitted.

Bewley claimed to be unaware of any German cruelty towards the Jewish community, despite outlining in great detail actions that most people would consider outrageously cruel. Instead, he claimed that the news reports of attacks against the Jewish community were invented or exaggerated by Jewish controlled newspapers in England. English Jews are particularly singled out for attack, deriding English media outlets as ‘Anglo-Jewish agencies’, and labelled as being both anti-Irish and anti-Catholic. A letter to Walshe dated 25th January 1939 is a strongly worded missive suggesting that fifty German Christian refugees that had been admitted to Ireland were secretly Jewish and that it would be impossible to deport these ‘undesirable types’.

There is therefore, so far as I have been informed, no safeguard that the 'non-Aryan Christians' admitted into Ireland are not Jews who have applied for Christian baptism merely for the material benefits which they hoped to derive from such a step… Even if territory were found for the settlement of Jews from Europe, and permission were given to the Jews admitted into Ireland to obtain citizenship of it, there is no guarantee whatever that the Jews in question would wish to leave Ireland for, say, Guyana or Madagascar, and in this event it would not be possible to deport them. There would therefore be no possibility of getting rid of these persons for the rest of their lives, while their children would presumably be Irish citizens… It has been the experience of numerous other countries that the Jews admitted for the purpose of agriculture abandon their agricultural work at the first opportunity and go to live in the cities. In Ireland it would in any event be impossible for them to obtain holdings of land. It is therefore safe to say that the fifty persons admitted for training in agricultural work will abandon the country for the cities, where they will live at the expense of the Irish community… The well-to-do families who have guaranteed to maintain 'temporarily' twenty adults and twenty children have obviously no idea of the impossibility of getting rid of these people after the expiration of the temporary period. It cannot be expected that they will continue to maintain them for the rest of their lives. Therefore the persons in question will either be supported directly by the Irish taxpayer, or will obtain employment and thereby increase the number of Irish unemployed… The twenty children will presumably enter one of the already overcrowded professions, thereby increasing the difficulty of making a living for the Irish students who have received the same education at the expense of their families.

It is worth noting again that as head of the Irish Legation, Charles Bewley had an important role to play in the issuing of work visas or refugee status to German Jews fleeing Nazi persecution prior to the war. Less than a hundred were granted leave to enter Ireland despite the massive persecution and large volume of applicants. Bewley was recalled from his post shortly before the war and replaced by William Warnock. He refused to return to Dublin, instead remaining in Berlin working as a journalist for German newspapers including Die Aktion published by the Ministry of Propaganda. He wrote under his own name, clearly identifying himself as the former Irish Minister. Bewley’s articles concentrated on anti-British topics but also included antisemitic material. He was also employed by a Swedish news agency run by Joseph Goebbels and divided his time between Italy and Germany, using an altered diplomatic passport and pretending to be an official Irish representative.

Bewley acted directly for the Nazis and provided confidential information to German intelligence. An October 1940 report detailing various Irish members of the Department of External Affairs included comments that Joseph Walshe was an ‘active supporter of the Jewish cause.’ He produced several reports but was rejected by the SD for a role as an agent. Towards the end of the war, Bewley was arrested in Merano, part of the Salò Republic set up by Mussolini in northern Italy. He was interrogated by Allied troops, briefly sharing a cell with John Amery. Upon hearing of Bewley’s arrest, Irish officials decided that ignoring him was their preferred course of action. Walshe wrote in a memorandum:

Bewley was an ass – but only an ass. He wasn't a criminal – least of all a dangerous criminal. It was notorious that he was a complete coward and would not risk his skin for any cause or nation… The best punishment for Bewley would be to show him how unimportant he was, to release him with a kick in the pants, and let him make his way back to Ireland.

He was issued with a new Irish passport which had his trade listed as ‘A person of no importance’. No charges were brought against him for his wartime activities, and he was released from custody in December 1945. Bewley did not return to Ireland but settled in Rome after the war and published occasional works. He produced an uncritical biography of Hermann Goering in 1956 and wrote his memoirs which remained unpublished until after his death. Charles Bewley died in Rome in 1969 aged 81.

Footnotes:

Chartres’ Anglo-Italian wife, Anna Vivanti, a renowned novelist, was a friend of Gabriele D’Annunzio, the Italian war-hero, poet and ultra-nationalist whose occupation of Fiume created much of the aesthetics for the inter-war fascist movement. Anna was part-Jewish and died in Italy during the Second World War. Despite supporting Mussolini, she had been interned for suspicion of being a British agent and had her books banned.

Robert Briscoe was an ardent Zionist who used his experience to help the Zionist cause in the 1930’s and 40’s. He fundraised in the US and brought Ze’ev Jabotinsky to Ireland to learn guerrilla tactics that were later used by the Irgun in Palestine.

Amery was a British fascist who had helped set up the Legion of St. George, a group of British soldiers recruited to the Nazi cause and was executed in London in December 1945.

Sources:

Dictionary of Irish Biography (available at www.dib.ie)

Documents on Irish Foreign Policy archives (available at www.difp.ie)

Duggan, John P. (1989). Neutral Ireland and the Third Reich. Dublin: Lilliput Press.

Hull, Mark and Moynes, Vera (2017) Masquerade – Treason, the Holocaust, and an Irish Imposter Norman: University of Oklahoma Press

Jewish Virtual Library (Available at www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org)

Kelly, Darren (2016) The Irish Free State’s First Diplomats: Jealousy, Anti-Semitism and Revenge History Ireland Issue 1 Volume 24 January/February 2016

Roth, Andreas (2000) Mr. Bewley in Berlin – Aspects of the Career of an Irish Diplomat, 1933-1939 Dublin: Four Courts Press